Pacific Report – Asia Pacific Report

A UN report details the ‘overwhelming’ scale of children killed in Gaza. It raises grave legal questions

APR editor — Tue, 30 Jun 2026 11:21:07 +0000

A recent United Nations report has detailed serious allegations of Israel deliberately targeting Palestinian children during the conflict since October 2023.

The report by the UN Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem and Israel, which has been rejected by the Israeli government, documents harrowing child deaths. It describes the scale of the deaths as “unprecedented”.

Legally, the report itself does not prosecute anyone, but it can have major consequences by adding to a growing record of international law evidence.

An independent investigation
The commission is a standing investigative body created by the UN Human Rights Council in May 2021 after the escalation in Gaza and East Jerusalem that year.

Its mandate is unusually broad and ongoing. It is tasked with investigating all alleged violations of international humanitarian and human rights law in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territory, identifying root causes and preserving evidence for accountability.

Since Hamas attacked Israel on 7 October 2023, the commission has published several reports on the conflict, including on the deaths of Israeli children.

This latest report is significant because it focuses specifically on children, examining the impact of Israeli military operations on Palestinian children between October 2023 and March 2026.

The report notes that the commission sent requests for information to the State of Palestine, the Ministry of Health in the Gaza Strip and the Israeli government. The first two responded, but the latter did not.

Four major findings
The commission’s report makes four highly significant findings.

1. The scale of child deaths is unprecedented
The report finds more than 20,000 Palestinian children have been killed and more than 44,000 injured since October 2023.

The commission says the “overwhelming scale and rate of children killed and injured in Gaza have been unparalleled across modern conflicts globally”.

UNICEF describes the Gaza Strip as “the most dangerous place in the world to be a child”.

2. Evidence of deliberate targeting
This is the report’s most legally explosive finding. It documents repeated incidents of children being killed by single sniper or drone shots, often in the head or upper torso, suggesting deliberate targeting rather than incidental harm.

Cases such as Hind Rajab and other children shot while evacuating or sheltering are central examples.

Doctors on medical missions in Gaza reported to the commission that it appeared Israeli Defense Force (IDF) soldiers were engaged in a “game” of target practice with “different body parts being targeted on different days”.

The commission concluded that based on forensic evidence and military analysis, there are reasonable grounds to believe some children were deliberately targeted.

3. Systematic attacks on child-essential infrastructure
The report documents attacks on hospitals, schools and orphanages, which enjoy special protection under international law. The commission found these attacks have directly contributed to preventable child deaths, long-term disability and educational collapse.

The commission’s findings raise serious questions about whether those special legal protections were respected, especially where attacks disrupted paediatric care, neonatal treatment and emergency surgery.

Schools have been destroyed in the conflict, including this one in May 2025. Image: Jehad Alshrafi/AP

4. Arbitrary detention, torture and sexual violence
The report documents patterns of child detention, ill-treatment and abuse in custody.

The commission noted that dehumanising rhetoric by political leaders, soldiers and public figures has normalised violence against Palestinian children and contributed to an environment where such harm becomes acceptable.

How do these findings fit with international law?
This report is important because it reframes the war not only through the lens of civilian casualties, but through special legal obligations owed to children.

International humanitarian law and international human rights law apply concurrently in the Occupied Palestinian Territory. This is because Israel retains effective control over its borders, airspace and territorial waters, and has re-established military control on the ground.

As an occupying power, Israel has specific obligations under the Fourth Geneva Convention. These include ensuring food, medical care and the protection of civilians, especially children.

Under the Convention on the Rights of the Child, Israel must protect children’s rights to life, survival and development. It must prohibit arbitrary detention, torture and deprivation of life. It must also ensure the best interests of the child remain a primary consideration in all actions affecting them.

The commission’s conclusions are stark: children have not simply been caught in the crossfire of war. Many appear to have been deliberately targeted, denied essential care, detained, tortured, displaced and subjected to conditions that threaten their survival.

It reframes the suffering of Palestinian children not as collateral damage alone, but as a possible site of serious international crimes.

Serious legal questions
Many of the acts documented in the report amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity.

If children were deliberately targeted, this would constitute a grave breach of the international humanitarian law principle to distinguish combatants from civilians.

The sheer scale of child deaths raises serious concerns about whether Israeli forces have been adhering to the proportionality analysis: if civilian harm is excessive compared with the concrete military advantage anticipated, the attack is unlawful.

Parties must take all feasible precautions to minimise civilian harm. The report argues Israel’s use of heavy explosive weapons in densely populated civilian areas indicates repeated failures of precaution.

Israel at the UN: “This council has heard the same accusations against us again & again.. that Israel intentionally targets doctors, aid workers & journalists”

Yes, because you’ve murdered hundreds of doctors, aid workers & journalists. pic.twitter.com/9gMhanyYBa

— Saul Staniforth (@SaulStaniforth) June 30, 2026

Adding to the evidence record
In international law, accountability is often slow, but reports like this help build the legal architecture for future prosecutions.

The findings may feed directly into ongoing investigations by the International Criminal Court (ICC) into alleged crimes in Palestine. The commission explicitly recommends further scrutiny by the court.

States could rely on this evidence in domestic prosecutions under universal jurisdiction. This allows domestic courts to hear cases alleging international crimes, regardless of where the crimes occurred, or the nationality of the victims or perpetrators.

States may also impose targeted sanctions or arms embargoes based on credible findings in UN reports documenting serious violations of international humanitarian law, even without a court ruling.

The findings could shape arguments in existing and future proceedings before the International Court of Justice, particularly around genocide and occupation.

Under international law, children are supposed to be the most protected people in war. The children of Gaza have not just suffered in the war, they have become one of its defining legal fault lines.

Shannon Bosch is associate professor (law) at Edith Cowan University. Republished from The Conversation under Creative Commons.

Fijian widow alleges husband was beaten in police raid, told to lie before his death

APR editor — Tue, 30 Jun 2026 04:45:06 +0000

By Kaya Selby of RNZ Pacific

The widow of a deceased Fijian farmer is claiming that her husband was beaten by police during a raid — and told to lie about it.

Ane Vakararawa’s husband, Iveri Tuimasi, died two weeks ago — yet another in a string of deaths this year where law enforcement is alleged to have played a role.

Police have acknowledged that there was a raid on the couple’s property on Beqa Island, and in a statement last week, said they would interview the officers involved.

Vakararawa has alleged that Tuimasi was severely beaten during the raid, suffering a blow to the head, and a liver rupture that required surgery. It is also alleged the officers — including a soldier — coerced Tuimasi into saying that he had sustained his injuries from a fall.

Sharing her story with RNZ Pacific, Vakararawa said that her husband asked her to get the word out before he died.

“One week prior, he somehow knew it, and he was telling me that if anything happens, I need to be strong,” Vakararawa said.

“He kept telling me, I need to post it, I need to post the things that the officers did to him.”

Another death
Three weeks ago, RNZ Pacific reported on the death of another Fijian, Sakiasi Ose Radravu, who had been raided in uptown Suva.

Radravu’s family said he had been beaten, tortured and sodomised by officers, which Amnesty International described as typical of Fijian authorities.

Less than a week before Radravu’s raid, Jone Vakarisi, widely reported by local media as a known drug peddler, was found dead in a military prison.

Tuimasi and Radravu both have sepsis listed as their primary cause of death. Both of their death certificates listed a variety of other factors, but both families insist that their loved ones were totally fine before their encounters with the police.

Tuimasi’s certificate noted that a liver abscess had caused the sepsis, as well as a cerebral edema, a dangerous buildup of fluid in the brain. It also noted a “history of abdominal severe blunt force trauma”.

Both the police and military have been asked for a response.

‘I knew my husband didn’t jump’
Vakararawa could not recall how many police officers were there — but she insisted that there was also at least one military officer.

She said they came to their home on March 27 at around 6am local time, on a tip that Tuimasi was growing marijuana on their farm, which was 30 minutes away.

“They didn’t show me any search warrant, they went inside, they started raiding our property from the living room, right to the kitchen, in our rooms and our compound. One of the officers said that he found some marijuana seedlings on our shelves.”

She said they left and boated around parts of the island were the family would grow cassava. They returned three hours later.

“My husband didn’t come back with them. One police officer asked me ‘did you know where your husband left earlier that night’ and I told him ‘no, why?’, and he said because he ran away.

“When they were talking, I heard one police officer say ‘when we catch him, we have to punish him.”

By 2pm, police officers had left and returned again, with Tuimasi in custody, clearly injured. Vakararawa was told Tuimasi had thrown a stone at one of them, and as they pursued him, he stumbled and fell off of a nearby cliff.

The officers took him to Navua Hospital, and Vakararawa visited the following morning.

‘He was in pain’
“When I went to the hospital… he wasn’t able to sit properly, we could see how much pain he was in,” Vakararawa told RNZ Pacific.

With the officers still there, Vakararawa asked her husband quietly whether the story was true.

“He looked, and I asked him: ‘did you jump’, not loudly, I just signalled to him … and he shook his head.”

“I knew that my husband didn’t jump, because we used to farm up the hill, but now we don’t farm anymore there.”

She said he had a boot mark on his chest, a dark bruise on the back of his head, and cuts on his hand.

‘He wouldn’t be able to tell the truth’
Tuimasi was transferred to CWM Hospital in Suva shortly after his arrival at Navua, where he had surgery.

“He slept for about a week, they put him on sleeping medications … so, when he was sleeping, I went and filed a report against the officers [on] March 30.

“He got discharged on May 10, and he was telling me to tell the officer in charge that he’s okay, he’s ready to for his statement to be taken. But the officer in charge, she just called once … she said that she was busy with other cases.”

Over the next month, Tuimasi rapidly lost weight and became weaker by the day. His death certificate would later note that he had “severe protein calorie malnutritions”.

He was in and out of hospital, with “multiple surgical interventions” and a “recent history of hospitalisation for septic shock due to septicaemia.” As he deteriorated, Vakararawa described him as “traumatised”.

“He was eating, he was drinking, but somehow he kept dropping his weight, he was shrinking.”

Two days before he died, Vakararawa made a long Facebook post sharing their story, at Tuimasi’s insistence. She noted that despite his best efforts to talk to the police, they never returned his calls. Tuimasi died on June 19, in the afternoon — it would be the following morning that Vakararawa heard from them.

‘Fell from a cliff’
“An officer called … she told me that in Navua, [Tuimasi] admitted that he fell from a cliff before they transferred him to CWM [in Suva].”

“I told her, ‘ma’am, you have to understand that when they brought my husband to the hospital, he was coming with the very people that assaulted him. They could have threatened him along the way to tell the doctor that he really fell.’ He wouldn’t be able to tell the truth.”

The Fiji Police Force said on June 23 that Tuimasi’s autopsy had been completed, and that Vakararawa’s complaints were with the CID.

“The next course of action is to interview all those involved in Mr Tuimasi’s arrest following a drug raid in Dakuni in Beqa.”

“Following the interview process, all statements, evidentiary documents and reports will be submitted to the Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions (ODPP) for independent legal review.”

This story was first published on

Official results confirmed for New Caledonia’s provincial elections

APR editor — Tue, 30 Jun 2026 02:15:23 +0000

By Patrick Decloitre of RNZ Pacific

The official results of New Caledonia’s provincial elections held on Sunday were proclaimed last evening.

In a comprehensive document, the French High Commission in New Caledonia has published the key election figures, which confirm the tendencies observed immediately after the vote on Sunday.

This includes the final makeup of New Caledonia’s Territorial Congress, which results from the proportional representation in the French Pacific territory’s three provinces (Northern, Southern and the Loyalty Islands).

In the Southern province, which is New Caledonia’s most populated and affluent region, the results confirm a clear victory for the “Strong and United” list made up of pro-France parties Les Loyalistes and Le Rassemblement.

Under outgoing provincial President Sonia Backès, they have reached 28 of the 40 seats and collected 50.4 percent of the suffrage.

The pro-independence list for FLNKS, headed by Johanito Wamytan, will get seven seats (15.59 percent of the vote).

Eveil Océanien’s list (Another World is possible), headed by Milakulo Tukumuli, has five seats (10.2 percent).

In the Northern province, pro-independence UC-FLNKS (headed by Pascal Sawa) and Union Nationale pour l’Indépendance (UNI) headed by Paul Néaoutyine are neck-and-neck, with 10 and nine seats.

The remaining three seats go to the small list “Let’s Act together for the North”.

In the smallest province, the Loyalty Islands, seats are divided between pro-independence lists “Nation Autochtone” (Indigenous Nation) and UC-FLNKS, respectively headed by Omaira Naisseline and Mickaël Forrest.

Another pro-independence party, the PALIKA (Kanak Liberation Party) now holds the two remaining seats.

Congress and three provincial assemblies to elect their presidents
The three provincial assemblies are now scheduled to hold their inaugural sitting on Friday.

They will elect their respective presidents.

At the territorial level, the Congress is scheduled to hold its inaugural sitting on July 10 with the election of its President and its bureau.

At New Caledonia’s Congress, Loyalists-Rassemblement will have 24 of the 54 seats.

Eveil Océanien reaffirms itself as the main central block in New Caledonian’s political chessboard: it has gained more seats (4) compared to three in the previous legislature (2019-2026).

This brings the Wallisian-based party, created in 2019, to position itself once again as the “kingmaker” as no single party in New Caledonia’s Congress is in a position to rule on its own.

The pro-independence block can now rely on 16 seats from UC-FLNKS (the pro-independence movement’s hard-line component), 7 from UNI-PALIKA and 3 from Dynamique Autochtone (Indigenous Dynamic).

Talks have started, behind the scenes, between parties, in order to form alliances ahead of the vote.

After the Congress President’s election, a “collegial” government will be formed, consisting of the allocation of ministerial portfolios on the basis of proportional representation.

Talks with Paris
Also based on the election of the new Congress, the French government is planning to resume talks with New Caledonia’s politicians in order to finalise a consensual document that would serve as a blueprint for New Caledonia’s political future.

Such talks, over the past five years, have failed to produce a result.

The most recent attempt, which materialised into a document called the Bougival Agreement (in July 2025, followed by more negotiations under the name of Matignon-Oudinot in January 2026) was rejected by the French Parliament on April 2.

New Caledonia’s main parties have already indicated their intentions, if they were to be convened for new talks by French Prime Minister Sébastien Lecornu.

Whereas UC-FLNKS seems to favour a short-term process for New Caledonia’s independence, UNI also promotes independence for New Caledonia, but in some kind of association with France.

UNI had pledged to support the Bougival process, which is now defunct.

The Bougival process was one of the main fracturing factors within the pro-independence movement, especially between UC-FLNKS and UNI.

On the pro-France side, they consider that concessions had already been made as part of the Bougival talks and that there were red lines they were not ready to cross.

Three referendums
They also insist that New Caledonia has held three referendums on New Caledonia’s independence between 2018 and 2021 and that these resulted in three rejections (however, the last referendum was boycotted by the pro-independence groups due to the covid pandemic).

Pro-France MP in the French National Assembly Nicolas Metzdorf said at the weekend that if they were called to sit at the negotiating table again, they would take part. Buy they would not budge from their anti-independence posture.

Another scenario was for New Caledonia’s parties — especially pro-France — to refrain from entering any political agreement until the French presidential elections are held in April 2027.

“We’ll wait for the presidential elections… to make sure New Caledonia remains French,” he told public broadcaster NC la Première yesterday.

Ahead of the Congress President’s elections next month, Metzdorf also confirmed that talks with other parties would start “this week”.

“It will be either with Eveil Océanien or with UNI, but we won’t talk to UC-FLNKS.”

This story was first published on

The Gaza doctrine – Israeli ‘journacide’ and the muted NZ media response

Pacific Media Watch — Mon, 29 Jun 2026 11:03:57 +0000

COMMENTARY: By David Robie, Pacific Media Watch

A friend and colleague, Solidarity columnist Eugene Doyle, posed a brief question on the Facebook media page Kiwi Journalists Association last week.

“Kiwi journalists . . . is there a reason for so little solidarity with Palestinian colleagues,” he mused over a haunting portrait of emaciated Palestinian journalist Mujahid Abu Mufleh showing his appalling state after 14 months inside an Israel torture prison.

“No trial. No conviction.”

The image of Palestinian journalist Mujahid Abu Mufieh after 14 months in an Israeli jail that prompted the question about New Zealand media empathy. Image: ED/KJA

This is what Palestinian hostages look like after release: emaciated, exhausted, and visibly scarred by prolonged detention.

Occupied Palestine has become the deadliest place for journalists in the world. Yet merely three media people responded to Doyle’s question.

Broadcaster and singer Moana Maniapoto (Te Arawa, Ngāti Tūwharetoa)
summed up the cruel image as “journacide”, citing the use of the label by UN Special Rapporteur on Palestine and the Occupied Territories Francesca Albanese: “Absolutely shocking.”

Journacide is a neologism used by scholars, journalists, and human rights experts to describe deliberate mass killing and hunting down of journalists and media workers in conflict zones. It is also the title of a harrowing new documentary on the topic: Journacide: The War on Truth.

Courage and fortitude
Community broadcaster and educator Victoria Quade commented: “I think few people living and working in relatively protected environments like New Zealand can imagine the courage and fortitude it takes to be a journalist under an oppressive regime where reporting on those regimes can be physically dangerous.

“And, if they can imagine it, would be able to match that courage in their own lives.”

A third comment was posted by communications adviser and journalist Susan Belt: “I think people are battle-worn after so much general genocide, kids and press included, on the part of Israel. There’s so much press targeting etc that it almost becomes ridiculous to keep posting on it. Stuff and NZME keep running Gaza, Lebanon stuff but because our govt like some others has not made much of a fuss about Israel’s illegal civilian and press killing in Gaza and its unprovoked attack on Iran and illegal forays into Lebanon, it leaves people feeling hopeless.

“I am very pro-Palestinian rights and have been since the 1970s but even my Facebook friends despair at the sad postings I seem to always be doing. They know it’s very bad behaviour but we’re in a trance at the hopelessness of it. When our ally the US is backing Israel (though cooling of late) our govt is too scared to say what’s right because it doesn’t want to offend Trump’s team.”

These comments reminded me that I have been puzzling over the generally poor and weak response from New Zealand journalists over what is currently the toughest moral and ethical challenge of our times. Yet, instead of facing up to the Gaza genocide and the accompanying journacide, most of our media colleagues have preferred to look away and remain silent.

The prevailing attitude is that it is something remote and of little relevance to Aotearoa New Zealand. It is a response of denial, astonishing given that there have been protests across the motu against the Israeli genocide — and lately the unjustified US-Israeli war on Iran and fragile peace — for the past 142 weeks: by far the longest and sustained political protests ever in this country, yet largely ignored by the media.

This has led to many public protests over media coverage. These too have rarely been reported.

Palestinian protesters at TVNZ headquarters while demonstrating against the public broadcaster’s coverage of the Israeli war against Gaza on World Press Freedom Day, 3 May 2025. Image: Asia Pacific Report

Genocide in plain view
My own articles on the topic on Aotearoa and the Pacific, while stirring responses internationally, have barely raised a ripple in this country. Shameful responses to a genocide — at least 73,000 Palestinians killed in Gaza, 20,000 of them children — revealed daily before our very eyes. Even since the sham ceasefire declared in October, more than 1000 people have been killed.

And the cost in lives of hundreds of Palestinian journalists trying to bear witness on the annihilation of their own communities is deeply shocking. Yet this barely raises a shrug from New Zealand journalists.

In a report released last week by the Freedoms Committee of the Palestinian Journalists Syndicate, a chilling new statistic was revealed — out of an estimated 1200 journalists in Gaza between 60 and 75 percent of them have lost their homes or been forcibly displaced since 7 October 2023.

The report, titled “Media Without Walls”, also said that approximately 265 journalists had been killed since the start of the conflict, by far the highest death toll recorded globally against journalists in a single conflict.

More than 80 percent of media offices and institutions had been completely or partially destroyed, leading to an “almost complete collapse” of journalistic infrastructure, it said.

The report added that journalists in Gaza no longer work from newsrooms but from tents, footpaths and shelter centres, with mobile phones as their primary production tool and intermittent internet dictating when they can publish.

“I lost my home and my office in the same week,” said one displaced journalist, Dr Ahed Farwana. “I no longer have a place to write, but I write from my phone among people, sometimes while searching for water for my family.”

‘Trying to concentrate’
Another Gaza journalist, Ola Kassab, said: “I work from inside a displacement shelter, choosing the quietest corner I can find. The hardest part is not the bombing itself, but trying to concentrate amid the overcrowding and fear.”

Photojournalist Wisam Zughair said: “The camera is no longer the heaviest thing I carry; it is the feeling that I may also be documenting what could happen to me.”

Al Jazeera photojournalist Ahmed Wishah, 25, . . . killed in an Israeli air attack on central Gaza’s Bureij refugee camp. Image: AJ screenshot APR

Just two weeks ago, an Al Jazeera photojournalist, Ahmed Wishah, 25, was killed in an Israeli air attack on central Gaza’s Bureij refugee camp. He was the 12th Al Jazeera journalist killed by Israel in Gaza since 2023.

His targeted murder came just weeks after his brother Mohammed Wishah, who also worked for the Doha-based global television network, was killed in a deliberate Israeli shelling of his car.

In an interview after his brother’s death, Wishah called on the world to stop the killing of journalists.

Syrian journalists protesting over the killing of reporters in Gaza. Image: AJ screenshot APR

“Let the martyrdom of Mohammed Wishah be the end to the killing of journalists. This is my message to the world . . . Stop the Israeli occupation from targeting journalists.”

Smearing journalists
The routine response of Israeli military authorities is a hamfisted attempt to smear all Gazan journalists as “Hamas terrorists”. There is never any credible evidence to back this up and it is shameful that New Zealand media simply echo these lies from a discredited regime whose Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is wanted by the International Criminal Court (ICC) on charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity in a “false balance”.

The New York-based Committee to Protest Journalists (CPJ) and Paris-based media watchdog Reporters Without Borders (RSF) have frequently condemned the “smearing of killed Palestine journalists” with “baseless claims”.

Al Jazeera called on press freedom organisations and “people of conscience around the world” to take urgent action to safeguard all journalists in the Gaza Strip. Image: AJ screenshot APR

In a statement, Al Jazeera said it condemned the Israeli occupation army’s “baseless accusations”, which sought to “justify its crimes against Al Jazeera journalists and cameramen in Gaza, most recently the killing of cameraman Ahmed Wishah”.

“Since October 2023, the Israeli campaign of incitement has relentlessly spread false allegations and baseless accusations against Al Jazeera staff. The Network considers this smear campaign a transparent and futile attempt to justify the deliberate targeting of journalists and cameramen whose only ‘crime’ has been their courageous determination to document and expose the genocide being perpetrated by Israeli occupation forces in the Gaza Strip.

“These attempts deceive no one and cannot obscure the truth witnessed by the world.”

Al Jazeera called on press freedom organisations and “people of conscience around the world” to take urgent action to safeguard all journalists in the Gaza Strip and ensure their safety.

Reporters Without Borders has filed at least five complaints with the ICC over alleged war crimes against journalists, and together with other media freedom groups such as the Foreign Press Association, has repeatedly, but unsuccessfully, sought an Israeli Supreme Court ruling overturning the IDF’s ban on global journalists being allowed into Gaza to see the reality for themselves.

Gaza bloodlust spreading
Another disturbing factor about the slaughter of journalists is the fact that the Israeli bloodlust against journalists in Gaza is spreading also to the illegally occupied West Bank and the invaded Lebanon.

Journacide: The War on Truth Video: Democracy Now!

Irish filmmaker Seán Murray has investigated Israel’s killings of journalists in his new feature documentary Journacide: The War on Truth, which was featured by Democracy Now! earlier this month. Murray says the term “journacide” applies to Israel’s military actions because of the “explicit nature of the targeting and killing of journalists” as a way to silence the truth.

The filmmaker describes it as “the Gaza doctrine that is now being applied in Lebanon”.

Democracy Now!’s Amy Goodman highlighted the attempted killing on June 15 of Iranian journalist Hadi Hoteit, who was working for the news outlet Press TV in southern Lebanon. He was attacked by an Israeli drone while reporting live for his network at Kafr Tebnit.

Although he survived the attack, he was struck by six pieces of shrapnel.

With the latest invasion of Lebanon by Israel, the death toll of journalists has now topped 29.

Murray investigated the killings of four of those journalists for his documentary Journacide.

On March 28, journalists Ali Shoeib and brother and sister Fatima and Mohamed Ftouni were killed — all together — in an Israeli drone strike on their car.

The following month, on April 22, Amal Khalil was injured in an airstrike and died from her injuries after waiting for hours inside a bombed building as rescuers awaited clearance from Israeli forces to reach her, reports Democracy Now!

About the silence
In a trailer for the documentary, Murray says the film is not about war, it is about the silence. “As Lebanon burns, silence has now become the greatest weapon of oppression. This is a tale of those that fought different, the story of the gatekeepers of truth.”

In the Democracy Now! interview about his film, Murray explores the lengths that Israeli military authorities go to create false narratives about journalists, even to falsifying documents and creating fake images.

“I think Journacide effectively gives the explicit nature of the targeting and killing of journalists. I think that it fits perfectly. Not only do we see the targeting of journalists, but it’s the double-tap strikes that we see with the Gaza doctrine, that is now being applied in Lebanon.

“So, in the case of Ali, Fatima and Mohamed, the original strike killed Ali and Mohamed, and it was a double tap then that killed Fatima, Mohamed’s sister, in the second strike.

“This is a deliberate targeting of journalists. The reasons behind that is to, of course, silence what is happening in Lebanon, the ethnic cleansing that’s going on, the mass war crimes that’s being committed.

“But Lebanon is a little bit different. Israel doesn’t have the geographical repressive abilities that they did in Gaza. And we see that now playing out.”

A wake up call surely for the Middle East realities for New Zealand journalists.

David Robie is convenor of Pacific Media Watch.

Fiji military defends national role in society after 9% budget cut

APR editor — Mon, 29 Jun 2026 04:16:25 +0000

RNZ Pacific

Fiji’s military has hit out against budget cuts it copped last Friday.

In a social media post, the Republic of Fiji Military Forces (RFMF), which has gained influence in law enforcement over the last year, issued an apparent warning to detractors to recognise the role they play in Fijian society.

“The RFMF… genuinely respects the concerns raised in public commentary… that military spending should be reduced on the grounds that Fiji is not engaged in conventional warfare,” said RFMF commander Major-General Ro Jone Kalouniwai.

“But we ask those who hold this view to look again.”

In the 2026-2027 Budget, the RFMF lost around FJ$14.8 million (NZ$11.5 million) — a 9 percent cut — and is projected to lose another $1.1 million next year.

Fiji Sun reported that, for Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka, the rationale behind the cut was Fiji’s decision to scale back overseas peacekeeping commitments.

But the three-part post, titled “What the RFMF means to Fiji – Beyond the Budget and into the grey zone”, outlined the military’s view of itself as essential in efforts against the drug trade and corruption — and its social value.

“The RFMF has never asked for recognition. But perhaps it is time we offer it anyway,” it read.

Govt revenue falling
“And in doing so, ask ourselves honestly what it would cost us not to have it.”

While announcing the budget, Finance Minister Esrom Immanuel revealed that government revenue was falling while expenditure was climbing.

The country’s budget deficit is more than FJ$200 million higher than last year, due in part to a lower tax take.

Immanuel said the government was shifting cash towards infrastructure projects and private sector development.

This story was first published on

Time to pull plug on power-hungry ‘bludger’ AI data centres, says CAFCA

APR editor — Mon, 29 Jun 2026 04:00:50 +0000

Campaign Against Foreign Control of Aotearoa

The Campaign Against Foreign Control of Aotearoa (CAFCA) has warned that a planned AI data centre in Southland would consume up to 25 percent of New Zealand’s annual electricity output and push power prices higher for Kiwi consumers and businesses.

CAFCA organiser Murray Horton said in a statement that data centres consumed a “phenomenal amount” of electricity.

“The proposed $5 billion foreign-owned Datagrid AI centre near Invercargill would require 1 gigawatt of electricity to operate,” he said.

“That is nearly twice as much as the 570 megawatts that Rio Tinto’s Tiwai Point aluminium smelter consumes.

“Currently the smelter takes 13 percent of all the electricity New Zealand produces. If the data centre is built, we would have to sacrifice more than one third of the power we produce to supply just two foreign-owned businesses.”

Horton said CAFCA had long targeted Rio Tinto’s smelter near Bluff, labelling it New Zealand’s “biggest corporate bludger”.

“It pays a secret, super cheap price for power that is not available for any other user. All other electricity users in Aotearoa therefore subsidise the power that the smelter consumes and exports in the form of aluminium,” he said.

Textbook example
“Rio Tinto’s smelter is the textbook example of corporate welfare in New Zealand, but this new data centre would take this to another level. It would use twice as much power and would require it 24 hours a day, every single day of the year.

“In a dry winter the smelter can turn off one or two of its pot lines to conserve power, but data centres cannot do that. Industry experts say AI computers can be damaged if they are shut down so they need an unending, uninterrupted supply.

“The government’s plans to develop a liquefied natural gas import terminal in Taranaki to provide backup power in lean years have to be seen in this light.

“LNG is environmentally harmful and, as we have seen with the war in Iran, potentially vulnerable solution to a problem largely created by these large power users.

“Without these major consumers, we could use new renewable energy generation and better storage and management of our supply to meet demand in dry years,” Horton said.

Another problem with AI computing centres is that they generated high levels of heat, so they must be cooled using large amounts of water. This is why cool regions such as Southland are sought after by developers.

Heat from data centres can be siphoned off and used to heat urban areas, but this requires significant investment in infrastructure.

‘Insidious nature’
Horton said concerns about electricity and water consumption as well as the “insidious nature of AI” were driving opposition to AI data centres around the world.

“Because it has made a big bet on AI, the United States is at the forefront of this. Many states have used tax incentives to encourage data centres and some AI companies are even developing their own generators to power them.”

Microsoft planned to reopen the notorious Three Mile Island nuclear power plant to run data centres in four different states, for example.

“Now opposition to them is growing right across the US. The issue unites people across the political spectrum — from MAGA to the far left. And The New York Times reports there are movements against them in Europe, South Africa, Latin America, India and Southeast Asia,” Horton said.

“There are also concerns about the nature of AI itself. Many people are worried that AI will cause massive unemployment. The military’s use of AI and facial recognition tools create some truly frightening prospects.

“AI is an unprecedented and potentially devastating technology but there has been very little discussion of it in New Zealand.

“The Overseas Investment Office has approved the construction of the data centre in Southland, but that is not a surprise because they approve nearly all projects that foreign companies want to operate here propose.”

Ethical issues
Along with the ethical issues AI poses, the economics of data centres did not add up, Horton said.

While they created jobs during the construction phase, once they were up and running they were virtually automatic and profits flowed to the biggest tech oligarchs in the world.

CAFCA is calling for a halt to major AI data centres in Aotearoa.

“They are being sold to the NZ public as The Next Big Thing, with little or no discussion about their massive impact on our electricity and water resources, let alone any discussion on the bigger issue of highly controversial AI,” Horton said.

Pro-French, pro-independence blocs remain in New Caledonia election

APR editor — Sun, 28 Jun 2026 23:59:56 +0000

By Patrick Decloitre of RNZ Pacific

The one-round provincial election held in New Caledonia yesterday has produced a few surprises, but essentially maintained the existing blocs between pro-independence and pro-France parties.

In the Southern Province (New Caledonia’s most affluent and populated, including the capital Nouméa), provisional results show half the votes went to the “Strong and United” pro-France camp.

This brought together the Rassemblement, Les Loyalistes parties, headed by incumbent Southern Province President Sonia Backès.

Her list has obtained the support of 50.4 percent of the votes in the province, according to provisional results last night, which should give it 28 seats in the Southern Province and 24 of the 54 seats in New Caledonia’s Territorial Congress.

Support for the Strong and United pro-France list was not only strong in the capital Nouméa, but also in its three surrounding towns of Mont-Dore, Dumbéa and Païta.

Speaking to a crowd of supporters last night, Backès, 50, hailed the results and her party’s score, saying this was a way for voters to recognise what had been done during the past seven years, marked by several crises — including the covid pandemic and the May 2024 riots.

“The non-independence voters have supported our list at a large majority and I think our choice for unity was important,” she said.

“Also because we were carrying a clear message of support for a New Caledonia within France, as well as a society model we believe in, based on respect for democracy, of merit and equality for everyone.”

Pro-independence Johanito Wamytan (Union Caledonienne-FLNKS) and his list have secured 15.5 percent of the votes, translating into seven seats, one more than during the previous mandate (2019-2026).

Incumbent Southern Province President Sonia Backès, leader of the pro-France bloc, welcoming the provisional results in Nouméa’s Baie des Citrons last night, Image: Baptiste Gouret/LNC

He is followed by Wallisian-based centre party Eveil Océanien’s list (“Another World is Possible”), headed by Milakulo Tukumuli (10.3 percent).

In the Southern province, Eveil Océanien gained five seats — two more than during the previous provincial legislature.

This will again make Eveil Océanien as a force to be reckoned with in both the Southern Province assembly and the Territorial Congress, where the party, set up in 2019, has gained the nickname of “king maker”.

Eveil Océanien leader Milakulo Tukumuli said with four expected seats at the Congress, he was pleased to see that his party has “confirmed its place in New Caledonia’s political landscape”.

Northern and Loyalty Islands provinces
Provisional results in the Northern Province showed an almost equal score by the two pro-independence parties — UC-FLNKS and UNI (Union Nationale pour l’Indépendance).

The two parties’ list heads, Pascal Sawa (UC-FLNKS) and incumbent UNI-PALIKA Paul Néaoutyine (who has been leading the Northern Province for the past 27 years) have won 10 and nine seats respectively, with the remaining three seats being held by pro-France Vanessa Wacapo (Les Loyalistes-Rassemblement).

In the Loyalty Islands province, two lists headed by pro-independence Mickaël Forrest (UC-FLNKS) and Omayra Naisseline won six seats each in the small provincial assembly.

The provincial elections results need to be officially proclaimed by the French High Commission this week.

The next step, as part of the “trickle down” effect of the poll, is for New Caledonia’s new Congress to convene this Friday, July 3, with the first item on its inaugural agenda being the election the Speaker (President).

Parties represented in the new Congress are expected to enter into negotiations in order to form alliances.

This would be followed by a process of appointment of a “collegial” cabinet which is also supposed to reflect the make-up of the local Parliament.

Low turnout rate
One of the main features of Sunday’s provincial election was also the relatively low turnout rate (an estimated 58 percent of the 192,584 registered voters). This is eight percent less than the previous poll in 2019.

Geopolitical analyst Pierre-Christophe Pantz told public broadcaster NC la Première during election night that “this was to be expected and this raises questions about the meaning of democracy”.

Other experts also started to see in this low turnout a profound disinterest from voters.

University of New Caledonia law professor Mathias Chauchat said the trend was worrying, especially when combined with the “sudden death” five-percent threshold that automatically eliminates smaller lists.

“We end up with a rule that at the end of the day crystallises the forces in presence, to produce a rather conservative and polarised result,” Pantz said.

UC-FLNKS politician Alosio Sako said on Sunday night during a TV live debate: “I hope [the poll results] will enable for a fresh start, to find a new agreement because [New] Caledonians are tired of having to go through this kind of situation”.

Should the rules be changed?
Another compounding factor is that any list that does not collect at least five percent of registered voters is automatically eliminated during this single-round poll.

“This five-percent threshold rule was designed precisely to favour big blocs, to give them time to manage New Caledonia in the long term,” Professor Chauchat said.

He said that instead of discarding all these disqualified votes, it could be an idea to retain some of the ideas brought up during the campaign in favour of younger representatives, based on the principle of participative democracy.

“If you look at it more closely, there are a lot of new ideas from all these emerging small lists.

“It’s a shame that they only appear during election time and then disappear again — like shooting stars.”

Former journalist and TV personality Wallès Kotra, who headed one of the small lists, said he was concerned that the May 2024 riots and unrest should not repeat themselves.

“This has left many traces and fear within the population. And I hope it doesn’t herald more crises,” he said.

“We have to live together. And the two antagonist blocks, for them, it’s time to find an agreement. We must take care of our country.”

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Counting underway at polling stations in New Caledonia provincial elections

APR editor — Sun, 28 Jun 2026 10:59:07 +0000

By Patrick Decloitre of RNZ, RNZ Pacific reporters

Polling stations have now closed in New Caledonia, as electoral officials begin tallying votes in today’s provincial elections.

The Sunday elections are the first to be held in the French territory for 7 years after the 2024 elections were abandoned following riots that left 14 dead, and about 2.2 billion euros (NZ$4.4 billion) in economic damage.

A special election night broadcast is underway, with preliminary results expected between 10.30pm and 11pm local time.

192,584 people were registered to vote in these elections.

RNZ Pacific’s French Pacific correspondent Patrick Decloitre said there had been no reports of any incidents during polling today.

In the Southern province and even more in rural Northern province and Loyalty Islands, voters and their families seemed to have chosen to cast their votes either after Sunday mass or just before polling stations closing time, so they could stay on and watch the counting process.

Security was heavy with some 2500 law enforcement officers, mostly policemen and gendarmes, as well as additional officers from the French anti-crime squad and judiciary police.

The heavy set-up was designed to remain “visible” by the population. It mainly focused on security and monitoring of polling stations and the immediate surroundings.

New Caledonian election vote counting underway at a polling station in Koné, Northern province, tonight. Image: NC La 1ère TV

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Heavy security deployed as New Caledonia’s crucial elections begin

APR editor — Sun, 28 Jun 2026 01:06:04 +0000

By Patrick Decloitre of RNZ Pacific

Heavy security has been deployed in New Caledonia as crucial provincial elections are being held in the French Pacific territory today.

Polling stations are open from 8am local time (9am NZ time) until 6pm tonight.

This comes as heavy security has been deployed. It involves a total of some 2500 law enforcement officers, mostly policemen and gendarmes (the equivalent of 16 squadrons, as opposed to 12 in normal circumstances).

Additional officers from the French anti-crime squad and judiciary police are deployed.

The reinforcements are to remain posted at least until early July 2026 or longer, depending on what develops.

The heavy set-up mainly focuses on security and monitoring of polling stations and their immediate surroundings.

Drones and additional armoured vehicles are also deployed on the ground, including the Centaurs — armoured vehicles that were previously used during and after the riots that broke out in New Caledonia in May 2024, causing 14 dead and material damage of about 2.2 billion euros (NZ$.4.4 billion).

The whole security operation is meant to “reassure” the population, as well as show the presence of security forces on the ground and their capacity to intervene quickly if needed.

The French High Commission in New Caledonia said at the weekend the general climate was relatively calm ahead of the vote.

Since last week, a total ban on the sale of alcohol has been in force and will remain until after election day.

This, the High Commission said, was because New Caledonia was still undergoing a “sensitive” period on social and economic grounds.

Latest incident on the Isle of Pines
However, on Friday evening, in the small island town of Vao, on the Isle of Pines (south off the capital Nouméa), police and gendarmes were called about midnight to intervene following a fire on a building near the Town Hall municipal council meeting room, which was to be used as a polling station for today’s elections.

The polling station was relocated to a school canteen in the village of Vao.

Gendarmes later arrested one teenager — part of a group of five — and they were targeted by stone-throwing.

One of the gendarmes had to be medivaced to Nouméa.

Witnesses also said in the small building, which also hosts the local power company Enercal, safes containing cash has been forced open and cash stolen.

Two flags were also stolen.

Public Prosecutor Yves Dupas told local media an investigation was ongoing, but initial findings indicated that the main target of the group was the electrical company’s office and that subsequent damage to the nearby designated polling station could be regarded as collateral.

The perpetrators were also found to be “severely inebriated”.

The latest incident has triggered swift and angry reactions from the Great Chief of the Isle of Pines, as well as from Mayor Régis Vendegou and the government of New Caledonia, which said “nothing can justify” those actions.

No cyber threat so far
Potential attempts of local or foreign cyber interference is also being closely monitored with the assistance of French digital watchdog agency Viginum.

So far no significant threat has been reported of attempts to “discredit the electoral process, jeopardise the confidence of the public in the media or trying to influence the public in favour or against a specific party or candidate”.

Provisional results should start to emerge after polling booths close at 6pm with progressive counting during the evening.

The vote involving some 192,584 registered voters (according to the latest official figures), in 298 polling stations, will determine the 76 members of New Caledonia’s three provinces (22 for the Northern, 40 for the Southern, and 14 for the Loyalty Islands).

On a proportional basis, the three provinces will then be represented and make up the Congress of New Caledonia, consisting of 54 members.

From the new Congress, a new local “collegial” government and its President would then automatically emerge.

New Caledonia’s diaspora votes by proxy
There are 127,474 registered voters in the Southern Province (where the capital Nouméa is located), 43,016 in the Northern province and 22,094 in the Loyalty Islands province.

An estimated 5000 voters (who will be either absent from New Caledonia on polling day or who live in mainland France, Australia, New Zealand or Vanuatu) will also vote by proxy.

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New Caledonia’s political parties make final pitch to voters before campaigning ends

APR editor — Sat, 27 Jun 2026 06:14:15 +0000

By Patrick Decloitre of RNZ Pacific

Campaigning in New Caledonia officially closed yesterday at midnight local time — two days ahead of election day tomorrow, June 28.

The poll will renew the members of New Caledonia’s three provincial assemblies (Northern, Southern and the Loyalty Islands).

In the following days and well into July, the poll will then determine, on a proportional representation basis, the makeup of New Caledonia’s Territorial Congress and the makeup of New Caledonia future “collegial” government and its President.

Over the past two weeks, campaigning has been intense from running political party lists — a total of 23 — both on social networks and during political rallies.

The two main blocks in New Caledonia, the pro-independence and those who want New Caledonia to remain a part of France, have been particularly active.

They are reafirming their respective positions:

The pro-independence UC-FLNKS will continue to support the French Pacific territory’s quick access to full sovereignty; and
For the pro-France group (consisting of a coalition of Rassemblement, Les Loyalistes) it is to continue advocating for a “French” New Caledonia, based on the three referendums held between 2018 and 2021, all rejecting independence.

Postponed three times
But this year, as New Caledonia’s provincial elections were postponed three times since 2024 (the year they should have been held in normal circumstances, along the lines of a normal five-year term), the debate was also significantly marked by the dire economic and social situation following the May 2024 civil unrest and riots.

The political future of New Caledonia remains unresolved after five years of unsuccessful attempts through negotiations between pro-France, pro-independence groups and the French government.

And the population is mostly worried by bread and butter issues:

unemployment (after hundred of businesses were destroyed as a result of the riots);
the cost of living; and
the resulting situation, especially in terms of health, public service, education and transportation (air and sea connections between the main island, Grande Terre (and its capital Nouméa) and the rest of the archipelago (especially the Loyalty Islands group).

Between the two political blocks, this election has seen an unprecedented number of candidates running under a non-partisan label, whether they choose to call themselves non-partisan or just representatives of the civil society.

This week, major parties have also held their final rallies.

Regarding the Southern province, which concentrates a large majority of New Caledonia’s population and wealth, a two-hour television debate took place on national broadcaster Nouvelle-Calédonie La Première featuring five of the major contender lists.

Presenting party views
It was an opportunity for list leaders to present their respective views on how to address the major issues at stake: economic recovery, assistance to affected businesses and the general population (especially in terms of health care), the sensitive issue of nickel mining and smelting (two of the three nickel smelters are currently inoperational) and the quest for further French assistance.

List leader Sonia Backès (who is the incumbent President of the Southern province) and her co-list Nicolas Metzdorf (who is one of the two representatives of New Caledonia at the French National Assembly) said their major objective — based on their united approach — was to achieve an absolute majority in the Southern Province.

Pro-independence UC-FLNKS sees this election as a way of bringing New Caledonia closer to its “Kanaky” fast independence process.

But this year, another list called “UNI” (Union Nationale pour l’Indépendance) is running separately after its two major components, PALIKA [Parti de Libération Kanak] and UPM [Union Progressiste en Mélanésie] split away from the FLNKS, citing profound differences on the approach to independence after the May 2024 unrest.

192,584 registered voters
For the whole of New Caledonia, the latest count shows a total of 192,584 voters registered on the “special” restricted electoral roll designed for those provincial elections, the French High Commission said.

In the Southern province alone, the total is 127,474.

The largest number of voters is located in Nouméa (53,671 voters for 57 polling stations).

The capital’s suburban cities of Dumbéa and Mont-Dore, are also significant (with respectively close to 30,000 and 19,293 registered voters).

In the other two provinces of New Caledonia (North and Loyalty Islands), there are respectively 43,016 and 22,094 registered voters under the same “special” list.

‘Sudden death’ clause
But based on the number of registered voters, election day for some parties will also determine whether or not they pass the required threshold to sit in one of the provincial assemblies and at the Congress.

In the Southern province, the threshold is a minimum of 6374 votes.

In the Northern province, the threshold is 2151 votes.

In the Loyalty Islands province, the threshold is 1105 votes.

If any of the running lists fails to reach the required threshold, it will not be considered and automatically discarded.

With a backdrop of defiance and mistrust towards political parties, another major question mark will be on the participation rate of voters.

After the vote: more negotiations in France?
New Caledonia’s elections, which will significantly redefine the French Pacific territory’s political chessboard at several levels, are also perceived as the starting point of yet another round of political negotiations with France.

Earlier this year, French Prime Minister Sébastien Lecornu, after talks with local political parties on the continuation of discussions about New Caledonia’s future, said he had obtained commitment from all parties that they would re-engage in talks with the French government, possibly in July, to finalise New Caledonia’s future status project.

The previous version (which was proposing to create a “State of New Caledonia” within the French realm) was rejected by the French Parliament.

But the pro-France camp has once again reiterated that just as this was one of the main themes of their campaign, they would not budge from their current stance, that is to defend and uphold the results of the three recent referendums against independence.

However, they said they were willing to take part in the proposed talks with France, even though they had serious doubts as to whether they could produce a conclusive and consensual agreement before the French presidential elections in April 2027.

The only tangible result — a compromise — was endorsed by the French Parliament a few weeks ago: an agreement to partially “unfreeze” the restricted list of voters for the provincial elections.

This consisted in allowing people (more than 10,000) who were born in New Caledonia since November 1998, and who had reached voting age, to cast their votes at these crucial local elections.

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Australian media ignores UN report on Israeli deliberate killing of children

Pacific Media Watch — Sat, 27 Jun 2026 00:35:55 +0000

By Stephanie Tran in Sydney

The devastating United Nations report this week into the deliberate targeting and murder of Palestinian children by Israel is not very newsworthy in Australia apparently.

On Tuesday, the UN Commission of Inquiry on the Occupied Palestinian Territory and Israel released a harrowing report finding that Israel has deliberately targeted and killed Palestinian children.

The 94-page report documented children being shot by snipers, targeted by drones, denied medical treatment, subjected to starvation and detained in conditions involving torture, sexual violence and severe abuse.

The commission concluded that the deliberate targeting of children was one of the key elements establishing genocidal intent.

These are extraordinary findings backed up by an in-depth investigation by a UN body, and one would think it would be of substantial public interest worthy of front-page headlines, but Australia’s mainstream media doesn’t seem to think so.

The ABC made somewhat of an effort by bringing on global affairs editor Laura Tingle to discuss the commission’s findings on its news programme. However, half of their article covering the report was dedicated to parroting Israel’s defence of the indefensible and was buried at the bottom of their website.

Guardian Australia was the only other mainstream Australian outlet to cover the UN report until yesterday. Again, it was buried, and the article has since been relegated to the bottom of its home page.

The Nine newspapers caught up two days late, with The Sydney Morning Herald framing it: “commissioned experts” (not simply the UN) had “accused” Israel … and repeated the “claim” of genocide. A significant portion of the article was dedicated to Israel’s denial of the report’s findings.

As for the rest of the media, Karl Stefanovic’s podcast interview with a right-wing racist grifter is apparently much more newsworthy.

Pacific Media Watch reports: Major New Zealand media outlets that covered the UN Commission of Inquiry report about the deliberate targeting of children included the public broadcaster Radio New Zealand (RNZ) and largest media website Stuff.

Also, leading advocacy groups in the country, such as Save the Children New Zealand, issued media releases urging global accountability in response to the report.

The Save The Children statement in New Zealand said the UN report must mark a turning point for the world to stop turning a blind eye to the suffering of Palestinian children and hold perpetrators to account.

Stephanie Tran is a journalist with a background in both law and journalism. She has worked at The Guardian and as a paralegal, where she assisted Crikey’s defence team in the high-profile defamation case brought by Lachlan Murdoch. Her reporting has been recognised nationally, earning her the 2021 Democracy’s Watchdogs Award for Student Investigative Reporting and a nomination for the 2021 Walkley Student Journalist of the Year Award. Republished from Michael West Media with permission.

NZ anti-war protesters call for independent foreign policy and peaceful planet

APR editor — Fri, 26 Jun 2026 19:41:03 +0000

COMMENTARY: By Liz Remmerswaal

Up to 1000 people joined a March for Peace in Auckland last weekend to demand that Aotearoa New Zealand become a voice for peace rather than a complicit partner in US-led illegal wars.

The march on June 20 was organised by a new group, Anti-War Aotearoa (AWA), and Greenpeace Aotearoa, and stopped outside the US Consulate en route because it is important that the New Zealand government refuses any “war mineral” deals with the Trump administration.

The groups are urging the government to implement a fully independent foreign policy grounded in Te Tiriti o Waitangi, diplomacy, and international law.

Niamh O’Flynn, programme director at Greenpeace Aotearoa, said the nation’s environmental and international priorities were fundamentally linked.

“NZ out of Trump’s wars” banner at the Auckland March for Peace on June 20. Image: Liz Remmerswaal/WBW

“We oppose [NZ Prime Minister Christopher] Luxon and the coalition government allowing Aotearoa to be drawn into Trump’s wars, and we strongly oppose the minerals deal being negotiated to fuel those wars,” said O’Flynn.

“We call for an independent foreign policy in Aotearoa that prioritises peace, upholds the UN Charter, and supports the wellbeing of people and the planet. We must not sell off Aotearoa’s natural places to the highest bidding war-monger.”

A spokesperson for Anti-War Aotearoa (AWA) said the march was a necessary public response to escalating imperial aggression, the erosion of international law, and a “dangerous shift in domestic priorities”.

The author, Liz Remmerswaal, during the protest march down Auckland’s Queen Street on June 20. Image: Liz Remmerswaal/WBW

“We are marching because Aotearoa needs to become a voice for peace and reason in an increasingly unstable world, rather than acting as a supporting player in these illegal, foreign wars,” AWA spokesperson Gabriella Brayne said.

“We demand that the New Zealand government places immediate sanctions on Israel to end the genocide in Gaza, gets fully behind the ICC [International Criminal Court] and ICJ [International Court of Justice] cases against war crimes, and pulls public funding from militarisation so it can be invested into health, housing, and education,” said Brayne.

A “No NZ troops for USA/Israeli wars” banner at the March for Peace in Auckland on June 20. Image: Liz Remmerswaal/WBW

Liz Remmerswaal Hughes is a mother, journalist, environmentalist activist and former local government politician in Aotearoa New Zealand and is World BEYOND War NZ coordinator. This article was first published by World BEYOND War on 25 June 2026 and is republished with the author’s permission.

Jale Moala: Why is the UN credible when Fiji agrees but not when it’s inconvenient?

Pacific Media Watch — Fri, 26 Jun 2026 07:40:15 +0000

COMMENTARY: By Jale Moala

It’s interesting how readily many people in Fiji embrace the work of the United Nations when it supports local programmes such as climate resilience, development, governance and social inclusion.

Yet when the UN publishes reports critical of Israel’s military actions in Gaza, some of the same voices suddenly dismiss it as corrupt, evil or “fake news”.

Recently the UN published a report that accuses Israel of deliberately targeting children in Gaza.

Facebook comments in response to the report have described the UN as the “enemy of Israel”, “a promoter of lies” and even an organisation that “stands for terrorists”.

The Fijian response raises an interesting question: Is the UN credible only when it says things we already agree with?

Or do we judge its credibility according to who its findings happen to criticise?

No institution is beyond criticism, including the UN. But it is worth remembering that it has maintained an office in Suva since Fiji’s independence, supporting everything from disaster recovery and climate resilience to governance, health and community development.

It seems odd to celebrate its work when it helps Fiji, yet dismiss it outright when its findings are politically or religiously inconvenient.

Jale Moala, one of Fiji’s most experienced and talented journalists, has been editor of The Fiji Times, Fiji Daily Post, Islands Business, Pacific Islands Monthly, night editor of The National daily newspaper in Port Moresby, Papua New Guinea, and a senior journalist on several New Zealand news media. This commentary is republished from his Facebook page with permission.

Targeting of Gaza chidren Video: ABC News

Cook Islands set to head to the polls in six weeks — August 12

APR editor — Fri, 26 Jun 2026 06:52:46 +0000

RNZ Pacific

Cook Islanders are set to head to the polls in six weeks’ time, the King’s Representative of the Cook Islands, Sir Tom Marsters, has announced.

In a radio announcement, Sir Tom said that on the advice tendered to him by Prime Minister Mark Brown to call for fresh elections, and pursuant to Article 37 of the Cook Islands constitution, he had dissolved Parliament and appointed Wednesday, 12 August, as the date for the next general election.

Sir Tom added that, in accordance with the principles of Westminster parliamentary democracy, the incumbent government would enter into a caretaker mode leading up to the election.

The Cook Islands Parliament was adjourned sine die on Tuesday afternoon local time, concluding business for this term.

In Parliament, Brown clarified that, under the constitution, the King’s Representative is responsible for issuing the notice announcing the election date.

Cook Islands News had earlier indicated that the election would be held in August.

The last general election took place on 1 August 2022, when Prime Minister Brown led the Cook Islands Party to form a government for a fourth consecutive term with the support of Independent MPs.

Election dates
Prior to that, the 2018 election was held on June 14, while the 2014 poll was a snap election held on July 9. The 2010 general election took place on November 17.

Following the conclusion of business for the latest sitting, which was headlined by the passing of the National Budget, Speaker of Parliament Tai Tura adjourned the House sine die, marking the formal conclusion of the 18th Parliament’s business.

“The decision taken by this House does not dissolve Parliament,” Tura clarified. “As that is a matter provided for under the Constitution … it signifies that the House has completed the work presently, before it, and will now stand adjourned without a date.”

“As Speaker, I extend sincere appreciation to all Honourable Members for their service, deliberations and contributions throughout this term. The work of this House-debate, scrutiny, law making and representation-reflects our shared responsibility to the people of the Cook Islands.”

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Fiji will remain unstable while Indigenous people are economically sidelined, says ex-coup convict

APR editor — Thu, 25 Jun 2026 23:33:43 +0000

By Margot Staunton of RNZ Pacific

A former coup convict in Fiji claims the country will remain unstable while the Indigenous iTaukei are economically marginalised.

Josefa ‘Jo’ Nata, who spent 24 years in jail for treason, told the Fiji government’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission that “the lot of iTaukei has not improved a single bit [as a result of the coups], if anything their situation has regressed”.

“Indigenous [iTaukei] should never again be hoodwinked into supporting any coup supposedly carried out in their name, to raise their standard of living or correct supposed past injustices,” the 68-year-old said.

Fiji has been rocked by four coups since gaining independence in 1970. The first two, in May and September 1987, were led by then-military Lieutenant-Colonel Sitiveni Rabuka, who is the current prime minister.

In 1999, Mahendra Chaudhry was sworn in as the country’s first Indo-Fijian prime minister. Nata, a former journalist, was a political adviser to the Fijian Association Party, a coalition partner in the Labour-led government.

Chaudhry’s election stoked racial tension in Fiji and a year later, the Republic of Fiji Military Forces (RFMF) rebel Counter-Revolutionary Warfare (CRW) unit soldiers, led by businessman George Speight, staged an armed takeover.

Chaudhry and his government were held hostage for 56 days.

Coup public face
Nata became the public face of the coup on 14 May 2000, and although he told the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in May that he was not involved in planning it, he admits he played a key role as a negotiator.

“Without realising it, I was getting myself involved. So much so that I was the one administering the oath of office at [swearing-in] before usurper-nominated President Ratu Jope Seniloli,” he told the Commission.

“My face was plastered on TV on every home around Fiji and around the world. The overseas parachute press had started to drop in. If I think back now, the whole charade was a burlesque of Pygmalion proportion.”

Nata told the commission that despite the negative press over the role of the CRW unit in the coup, its soldiers prevented even worse atrocities from occurring to the hostages — including the “last cannibal feast” and “planned assassinations of key people”.

He also claimed that the unit prevented Parliament House in the capital, Suva, from being torched to the ground once it was empty.

According to Nata, the CRW unit was abandoned by those who had allegedly orchestrated events from behind the scenes.

“The unit was left in the lurch carrying the baby. The masters did not show up,” he said.

Jo Nata’s journey from the dark, Islands Business, April 2024. Image: IB/USP Journalism

Branded as ‘mastermind’
Nata said that while the court later branded him as one of the masterminds of the coup, that honour belonged elsewhere.

Since his release from jail on 20 December 2023, he has campaigned against coups.

“No coup, in my view, can ever be justified … for those misadventures we know as coups were based on lies, visions of grandeur and opportunism,” Nata told the commission.

“I have been labelled an opportunist. I do not push back. I accept, worse, I was a hypocrite.”

“I was a traitor, as the court rightly described me. I betrayed my chief, the late Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara, the government, the people I worked with and the profession that gave me wings,” he said.

“The reality of unlawful takeovers is that one group of people will suffer more than others. In 1987 and 2000, it was the Indians that suffered. 2006 gave Fijians our fair dessert,” he said.

Despite living together for more than 150 years, indigenous Fijians and Fijians of Indian heritage continued to live largely separate lives, Nata claimed.

Exceptional situations
Although he admitted that there were examples of strong inter-ethnic relations in certain towns and districts, such as the old capital Levuka, Savusavu, Labasa and Ba, he said these were exceptional situations.

Nata told the commission that politics was not the answer, and that Fiji needed intentional and deliberate collaboration at the community level to bridge the divide.

“There should be a willingness to come together. Our ethnic and collective identity and openness are not necessarily opposing poles. It could be the vehicle to bring us together,” he said.

Nata also warned against becoming trapped in the past, saying ignoring difficult truths would not pave the way for true reconciliation.

He urged all Fijians to confront unresolved issues together to build a brighter future.

“We should revisit, untangle, rebuild and move forward together,” he told the commission.

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Bougainville sets out full three-stage proposal for independence by 2030

APR editor — Thu, 25 Jun 2026 06:18:13 +0000

By Christina Persico of RNZ Pacific

The Autonomous Bougainville Government (ABG) has formally outlined its final position on its political future, proposing a three-stage pathway towards self-government and eventual independence.

President Ishmael Toroama presented its position to the independent facilitator who is overseeing the joint technical consultations between the ABG and the Papua New Guinea government.

Bougainville would continue preparations for self-government until 1 September 2027, focusing on strengthening institutions, governance systems, peace and security, and economic readiness.

From that date, Bougainville would enter a period of self-government, “exercising the fullest practical and constitutional authority available under the existing legal framework, including additional powers provided under Section 289 of the Constitution”.

“The proposal further envisages Bougainville attaining independence in 2030, as defined during the referendum process as an independent nation-state recognised under international law and separate from the State of Papua New Guinea.”

Toroama said the pathway provides certainty, preserves peace, and honours the democratic choice expressed by the people.

In 2019, a referendum was 97.7 percent in favour of independence, but the final decision rests with PNG’s national Parliament, as provided for under the Bougainville Peace Agreement.

Consistently honoured
Toroama said Bougainville has consistently honoured both the letter and spirit of the Peace Agreement.

“This position is not founded on emotion or convenience. It is founded on the Bougainville Peace Agreement, on Part XIV of the Constitution of Papua New Guinea, and on the solemn commitments and agreements that have guided our journey and preserved peace to date,” he said in an ABG statement.

“Our objective has never been confrontation. Our objective has always been reconciliation, partnership and a peaceful transition founded on law and mutual respect.”

According to Toroama, the 2019 referendum delivered a clear mandate from the people of Bougainville in favour of independence and that subsequent consultations between the ABG and the national government had produced several important agreements, including the Joint Communique of 11 January 2021, the Kokopo Joint Statement, Wabag Joint Statement, APEC Joint Statement, Era Kone Covenant and the Melanesian Agreement.

A cost-of-services report has also been filed, with acting president and Minister for Treasury and Finance, Albert Punghau, saying the 97.7 percent vote for independence must be matched by “fiscal readiness”.

“A sovereign people must be served by a government that can sustain itself,” he said.

“The report we launch today, ‘From Here To There’, speaks directly to both governments — the National Government of PNG and the Autonomous Bougainville Government — on the financial stewardship of our people’s resources, and the political responsibility of building Bougainville into nationhood.”

15-year process
Earlier this week, PNG’s ruling PANGU Party said it would support a 15-year transition process for Bougainville, regardless of whether Parliament votes for or against independence.

Prime Minister James Marape outlined the proposal in a statement defending PNG’s constitutional process for deciding Bougainville’s political future.

He said the process would be conditional on Bougainville demonstrating financial self-sufficiency, maintaining peace and stability, and eliminating armed violence and factionalism.

The Prime Minister said Bougainville would need to generate enough internal revenue to fund at least 70 percent of its annual budget over a five-year period.

Marape repeatedly stressed that Bougainville’s future could only be decided through constitutional processes established under the 2001 Bougainville Peace Agreement and incorporated into Papua New Guinea’s constitution.

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A timeline of how the fuel crisis impacted on the Pacific

APR editor — Thu, 25 Jun 2026 02:09:43 +0000

ANALYSIS: By Kaya Selby of RNZ Pacific

During the fuel crisis, Pacific Island countries have scrambled to secure their own fuel supply, forcing them to lean on their wealthy neighbours and multilateral donors.

This triggered a region-wide economic slowdown and driven a managed, yet sharp, increase in fuel and electricity costs throughout the Pacific.

According to fuel price schedules released by Pacific governments regularly from February to June, Fiji has doubled the maximum price for diesel in urban centres in the main island, Viti Levu, such as Suva and Nadi.

Samoa has lifted its diesel ceiling by more than two thirds during that time, Tonga by more than 60 percent in Tongatapu.

And quite apart from asking for budgetary support, Pacific leaders, whenever they had the chance, appealed for help to build solar panels and other forms of renewable energy, in hopes of sidestepping a future calamity.

February
The war begins.

February 28
Iran begins its blockade of the Strait of Hormuz after taking heavy fire from US and Israeli forces. In the coming days, several Pacific-flagged tankers are trapped, abandoned or damaged, and their crews injured or killed. The Palau-flagged Skylight is abandoned with two crew dead on March 1. The Marshalls-flagged MKD Vyom is abandoned with one death on the same day, and the Safesea Vishnu is set ablaze 10 days later, killing another.

March
It doesn’t take long before the public grows nervous over fuel and electricity price hikes. Pacific governments issue certain reassurances, but panic buying occurs in sporadic cases.

For Pacific Island countries, which are far away from the established oil refineries in Singapore and South Korea, it makes better economic sense to buy from bulk, rather than to have constant shipments. This means they have forward orders already secured.

So most retail prices are kept relatively stable as countries burn through their existing stocks. The import prices are going to go up, but the lag means they can bide their time.

Behind the scenes, governments are scrambling to secure supply from new sources — and to keep the public calm. It isn’t a question of if, but when.

March 15
Christopher Luxon touches down in Samoa. They discuss energy, but New Zealand isn’t committing to anything yet. They have their own crisis brewing. He’ll go to Tonga and say mostly the same thing.

March 23
The American Pacific and the free association states don’t have price ceilings, so their consumers are paying the market rate, plus the elevated travel costs. At a Mobil gas station in Saipan, petrol is US$6.619 per gallon, and diesel $8.789. In Tinian, diesel is $10.

April
Pacific Island countries begin to raise their fuel price ceilings. Vanuatu raises diesel by 64 percent, but won’t raise it further for the indefinite future. In PNG, the price is 73 percent higher, in Fiji it’s 35 percent, and in Tonga it’s 43.5 percent.

April 15
Tuvalu’s Energy Minister Simon Kofe appears on RNZ’s Morning Report and reveals that their fuel supply is “not assured” beyond June. Just days earlier, Tuvalu had declared a state of emergency, allowing the government to take extraordinary measures to cut back on power usage. They’re experiencing rolling blackouts. The country spends more than a quarter of their GDP on petroleum imports.

April 17
In the Marshall Islands, government departments are shutting down at 3pm. They’re using their universal basic income to help consumers and adding a subsidy to their state-owned power company.

Marshall Islands Finance Minister David Paul later reveals to RNZ Pacific that their singular supplier, ExxonMobil, is using force majure provisions in their supply contracts to balloon import prices.

May
Samoa and Solomon Islands both lift their diesel caps by 46 percent. Fiji and the Cook Islands climb as well. Fuel at the pump in Port Moresby is slashed by 42 percent after the government uses its windfall revenue from LNG exports, which have spiked dramatically in value, to subsidise consumer prices. Tonga cuts their electricity surcharge and reinvests more into welfare payments for pensioners. Pacific leaders are meeting.

May 6
Fiji’s Finance Minister defies an international travel ban for ministers to go to Uzbekistan for an Asian Development Bank AGM. He walks away with a US$200 million loan in his pocket.

Meanwhile, Australia hands Fiji A$30 million. Foreign Minister Penny Wong calls it a “targeted budget support” to support Fiji’s efforts to be a regional fuel hub.

At this point, Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese is in Southeast Asia, trying to get Singapore, Malaysia and South Korea to give them preference if they have to make tough decisions over their own stocks. Foreign Minister Penny Wong says they will keep the Pacific in mind, but they have to put themselves first.

New Zealand chips in NZ$8 million.

May 8
Pacific Islands Forum leaders officially invoke the Biketawa Declaration. It’s a framework for a regional crisis response, where leaders are compelled to come together, share their resources and expertise, and arrange some kind of plan together. It was last used during covid pandemic.

Jeremiah Manele jumps the gun and says they would, before any Pacific leaders, including Australia or New Zealand, could even consider it.

May 29
ADB Pacific Lead Emma Veve tells RNZ Pacific that help requests from Pacific Island governments have begun only recently. She calls this a credit to their resilience.

Help requests at this point have come from Solomon Islands, Vanuatu, Tonga, Samoa and Nauru. Veve says they have freed up hundreds of millions in both loans and grants. Support for each country will range from $10 million to $100 million, depending on their size.

June
Peace appears on the horizon at the end of the month, but there’s no indication of it. By now Viti Levu’s diesel price ceiling has more than doubled since February. PNG’s fuel subsidy helps for a little while, but this month’s increase has exceeded last month’s decrease, and then some. Nauru and Niue, with their singular islands and tiny populations, have had to increase theirs, too.

June 5
Samoa triggers an “amber alert”, which indicates they have less than 30 days of fuel stocks left in country. They deny this is the case, and just call it a “precautionary measure.”

June 12
Fuel price caps rise in the Cook Islands — diesel in Rarotonga hits NZ$3.84 per litre, and LPG hits $5.06 per kilo. In Aitutaki: diesel is $6.24 per litre. In New Zealand, diesel prices only ever briefly passes $4 in some rural areas.

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Saige England: Praise for Australia’s Jewish Council but NZ’s council is a hasbara propaganda campaign

Pacific Media Watch — Thu, 25 Jun 2026 01:24:59 +0000

COMMENTARY: By Saige England

Good on the Jewish Council of Australia (JCA) for its submission to the Royal Commission.

The New Zealand Jewish Council is so very different to the Jewish Council in Australia. The latter has far larger numbers and more clout, over there at least.

The NZ Jewish Council has clout and applies it. It is heavily involved in New Zealand media, some members are journalists, and it has long been running a hasbara propaganda campaign.

‘The JCA submission says two important drivers of antisemitism are the “growth of far-right, neo-Nazi and conspiracist movements, which represent a significant and often overlooked threat to Jewish communities, and the aggressive actions of the state of Israel and conflation of Jewish identity with Israel”.’

— The Guardian

Freebies to Israel if you play the toxic game — dehumanise Palestinians, deem them all terrorists, and declare Israel the promised land for one people, not the other.

The New Zealand Jewish Council spreads lies. I know this for a fact. One of its key members who is lauded in New Zealand film and television defamed John Minto, a humanitarian, called him antisemitic, I challenged that and asked him to provide evidence.

Of course there was none. This man who is Jewish and influential in entertainment and journalism defamed Damien O’Connor and said he was antisemitic. Again I challenged him and asked for evidence. There was none.

Zionism inflates antisemitism
I have news for Zionists and their allies in the media who are doing this. Conflating anti-Zionism and antisemitism inflates antisemitism. They know it.

It is not fair, is not sensible, rational or compassionate. It is baiting and inciting.

The NZ Jewish Council applies one law for Jews and one for Muslims, different standards completely. One can be the victim, the other is never the victim, in its view.

I previously supported the NZ Jewish Council when I witnessed media bias in a programme featuring a former Waffen SS officer who praised Hitler and claimed he did not know about what happened to the Jews. It was impossible not to know about the systemic murder of masses of Jews, then and now.

When the evidence points to the contrary, the journalist should call it, everytime. Evidence.

This Gaza genocide. More than 75,000 killed — children, little children, babies, women, aid workers, journalists. A target on their backs for being Palestinian.

I have been appalled at the NZ Jewish Council’s double standards, its staunch sense of entitlement, its clear political view that the only good Jews are Zionists, its supremacism.

Stalwart Zionists
The NZ Jewish Council is run by and supported by stalwart Zionists. It does not represent humanitarian Jews because it is Zionist, because it fails to call out a genocide which has murdered tens of thousands of infants, aid workers, and more journalists than World War One and Two combined and the total number of recent wars.

Genocide is not a conflict, it is not a war. The massacres have been carried out since the Nakba. It was always the plan.

Jews have fought against Zionism, literally. The Bund. Jews against Zionism.

Not all Jews are Zionists and the NZ Jewish Council fails to recognise it and support those who support all people equally.

I know about antisemitism. When I worked in a shop I was asked if I was Jewish, when I asked why the question was asked, I was told by the customer that they would never buy from a Jew. My grandfather’s people hid their Jewishness due to anti-semitism.

My aunt was yelled at in the street: ‘You black Jews are all the same’. I know the difference between antisemitism and pro-colonisation Zionism, one supports equality and the other robs other people of their rights.

I stand firmly with the most oppressed people in the world, Palestinians, and for the dismantling of the state of supremacism, apartheid and genocide, a state which always had a policy of steal the land, assimilate those who won’t resist, and exile and exterminate the rest.

And this is why I say it is antisemitic to support the Zionist state. When we free Palestinians we free ourselves from the chains of one kind of victimhood. The victimhood that leads people to become persecutors and create more victims. Zionism.

Saige England is an award-winning journalist and author of The Seasonwife, a novel exploring the brutal impacts of colonisation. She is also a contributor to Asia Pacific Report.

Alcohol sales banned in New Caledonia as provincial election approaches

APR editor — Wed, 24 Jun 2026 01:53:26 +0000

By Patrick Decloitre of RNZ Pacific

The French High Commission in New Caledonia has banned all alcohol sales until next Sunday — June 28, the provincial elections day.

The ban enforcement started on Monday and will last until Sunday at midnight, local time.

The ban concerns the sale and consumption of alcoholic beverages.

The measure is supposed to “prevent public unrest”, among other reasons.

The High Commission said New Caledonia is experiencing a tense economic and social situation, as well as “delinquency” especially in the capital Nouméa and its greater area.

It also said law enforcement agencies, police and gendarmerie, are “regularly targeted by stone-throwing”.

Similar measures were taken during the May 2024 violent unrest.

‘Sensitive’ periods
It was also enforced several times at perceived “sensitive” periods, such as the anniversary of the riots, on May 13, or the symbolic date of September 24 which marks the anniversary of New Caledonia becoming a French colony in 1853.

Political parties in New Caledonia are now in full campaign mode.

Pacific journalist Nic Maclellan told RNZ Pacific Waves the key concerns for voters were the ones that faced every country.

“There’s a lot of concern about the current state of public services, particularly around health and public transport, both of which have suffered since the 2024 crisis,” he said.

“A major concern is frustration among young people about the cost of living, about access to housing, particularly about access to jobs.”

He said the fuel crisis was not as front of mind as in other countries, but still a factor.

“Certainly, the cost of living is pretty stark here, and fuel has gone up. It has affected key industries like tourism.

“Key sectors like nickel — nickel smelting and nickel mining — tourism, and others are affected by global energy costs. But front of mind is, as I say, about the cost of public services, which have been very much disrupted by the crisis in 2024 and in many cases haven’t recovered to the full level.”

The pro-France united list brings together Les Loyalistes, Rassemblement-LR, and Génération NC; while the pro-independence FLNKS (Kanak and Socialist National Liberation Front, including Union Calédonienne) is one of the main components of the pro-independence movement.

And this year a UNI (Union Nationale pour l’Indépendance) movement is also running separately after its two main pillars, PALIKA (Kanak Liberation Party) and UPM (Union Progressiste en Mélanésie) broke away from FLNKS in August 2024.

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Paul Hopkinson: Why NZ’s ‘Free Palestine’ party seeks to put Gaza genocide at centre of politics

APR editor — Tue, 23 Jun 2026 10:17:03 +0000

INTERVIEW: By Ibrahim Othman

In an unprecedented move on New Zealand‘s political scene, the Free Palestine Party Aotearoa has been launched with the Palestinian cause at the heart of its political platform, describing it as the foremost moral, political and economic issue in the world today.

The party’s launch comes in an election year with the ballot on November 7, amid growing debate over New Zealand‘s position on Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza and its relations with Israel.

In an interview with The New Arab, party leader Paul Hopkinson has discussed the reasons behind its formation, its political goals, its position on Palestine and Aotearoa New Zealand foreign policy, and how he sees the party’s role in the country’s political life.

Why did you choose to establish a party focused on Palestine in New Zealand, rather than limiting yourselves to participation in events and protest movements? And why now?

We chose to establish a party built around the Palestinian cause because we believe it is the most important moral, political and economic issue facing New Zealand and the world today.

It is the most important moral issue because it represents the greatest genocide and holocaust of this century, taking place in full view of the entire world.

It is also the most important political issue for our country because any state that fails to oppose this genocide and defend international law not only becomes complicit in these crimes against humanity but also loses its credibility and standing on the international stage.

In addition, from an economic perspective, it is the most important issue facing New Zealand and the world because the Israeli regime‘s practices and acts of aggression, alongside the United States, against Palestine and Lebanon — as well as its war on Iran — are pushing the world not only towards recession, but towards depression if they continue.

We all take part in protests and events in support of Palestine, and most of us have been involved in supporting the Palestinian cause for decades. The holocaust of the Palestinian people has been ongoing for more than 78 years.

All the parties currently represented in the New Zealand Parliament have held power at different stages, but they have failed to support international law or take action against Israel when atrocities were committed against the Palestinian people.

The mainstream media, because of its biased coverage, has also become complicit in the ongoing holocaust of the Palestinian people.

We believe that having an officially registered political party will put this issue directly before the people of New Zealand.

As for the timing, it is linked to the fact that Palestine and the Palestinian people have not faced this level of threat since the Nakba in 1948, regardless of the fact that 2026 is an election year in the country.

New Zealand’s pro-Palestinian party founder Paul Hopkinson . . . “This is the most important moral issue because it represents the greatest genocide and holocaust of this century, taking place in full view of the entire world.” Image: The New Arab

The party’s name, “Free Palestine from the River to the Sea”, is controversial and has already drawn criticism. Why did you choose this name in particular?

The party’s name for registration purposes is Free Palestine, while our main slogan is “Free Palestine from the River to the Sea”.

We hope to change the party’s name to this slogan once the registration process is complete.

We chose this slogan and want to adopt it as the party’s name for two reasons. First, because it is the only solution capable of achieving peace in the Middle East and justice for all Palestinians. Second, because it preserves freedom of expression on Palestine, a freedom that no longer exists in the United Kingdom, Germany and elsewhere.

Are you concerned that the party’s name could become a point of confrontation and alienate the public and other political forces, rather than helping the party become a force for Palestinian advocacy?

As for the criticism this may provoke, it is impossible to support Palestine without being criticised by Zionists and their supporters.

The slogan “Free Palestine from the River to the Sea” is not confrontational. Rather, it is a just and clear solution to the genocide and oppression practised by the Israeli apartheid state.

The one-state solution was the answer to apartheid in South Africa, and we, as supporters of Palestine, cannot allow Zionists and their supporters to determine what may be said or done.

The March for Peace in Auckland, New Zealand, last Saturday with protesters outside the US Consulate . . . protests like this have happened across Aotearoa for the past two-and-a-half years yet are rarely reported by the biased mainstream media. Image: Kerry Sorensen-Tyrer

What is the party’s legal status? Has it been officially registered, met the requirements and received approval?

The party is still in the registration phase, and this process takes time.

We believe we have submitted a strong and comprehensive registration application. However, the party faces many administrative obstacles and will be subject to opposition and strict scrutiny.

Despite this, strong public support has enabled us to gain, in record time, a number of paid-up members far exceeding the legal minimum requirement of 550.

How would you explain your political programme, and who are you seeking to address in New Zealand?

Our political programme, as outlined in our principles, is based above all on respect for international law, human rights and UN resolutions, and on demanding an independent foreign policy that does not make New Zealand complicit in crimes against humanity.

The right of return and a democratic one-state solution were positions held by the Palestine Liberation Organisation before the disastrous Oslo Accords.

This position remains that of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, as well as many other groups that represent Palestinians.

I would also note here that Hamas also believes in a one-state solution. Ultimately, it must be the Palestinian people who decide the nature of their state.

We intend to direct our political programme to all New Zealanders.

We also plan to use our position as a registered political party to hold all other parties to account on the issue of Palestine.

Our six core principles, in brief, are:

the right of return;
the primacy of international law and UN resolutions;
respect for the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in relation to Zionist violations;
the one-state solution;
unconditional support for all forms of Palestinian resistance; and
an independent New Zealand foreign policy, including withdrawal from military and security alliances with the United States.

You have previously described the New Zealand government’s position on Palestine as “cowardly”. Why, and what steps do you believe it has failed to take?

I think I have already made my views on the failures of the New Zealand government clear.

As I said, the holocaust of the Palestinians has been ongoing for 78 years.

Throughout this entire period, the New Zealand government has been part of military and security alliances, including the Five Eyes alliance, with the United States, which is Israel’s main supporter. The alliance includes the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia and New Zealand.

Since the beginning of the latest genocide against the Palestinian people, New Zealand soldiers have taken part in military exercises with the Israeli army and US forces.

On the other hand, successive New Zealand governments have failed to take any steps to hold Israel accountable for its violations of international law or to support UN resolutions related to Palestine.

None of the politicians or parties in our country has shown the courage to take practical steps against the Israeli apartheid state or hold it accountable in any international institution.

As the national spokesperson for the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine campaign in New Zealand, how do you respond to those who view your association with this cause as controversial?

As I mentioned, I am the national spokesperson for the Palestine Solidarity Campaign with the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine in New Zealand.

As is clear from the party’s principles, we offer unconditional support for all forms of Palestinian resistance, including armed resistance.

I do not see this as controversial because international law grants Palestinians, as a people under occupation, the right to all forms of resistance, including armed resistance.

The Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine is also not listed as a terrorist organisation in New Zealand.

I believe that other resistance organisations, such as Hamas and other Palestinian factions, should not have been placed on any terrorism list either, if New Zealand had an independent foreign policy.

What message would you like to send to members of New Zealand’s Jewish community who may have concerns or reservations about your party’s positions?

As is clear from our six core principles, nothing in them should concern anyone who believes in human rights and justice, regardless of their ethnicity or religion.

There are many Jews within our movement in New Zealand and around the world who support Palestine.

The attempt by Zionists and their supporters to link all Jews to the most lethal and depraved apartheid regime in the modern world is shameful.

Republished from The New Arab under Creative Commons.

Bougainville Copper Limited takes stock after Panguna licence setback

APR editor — Tue, 23 Jun 2026 08:47:40 +0000

By Johnny Blades of RNZ Pacific

Bougainville Copper Limited has been told its licence for the Panguna copper and gold mine has been suspended.

BCL said it was considering its position after the Autonomous Bougainville Government’s Registrar of Tenements advised that as a consequence of new mining legislation the company’s rights under the exploration licence for the mine had been suspended.

The ABG has picked a new partner to redevelop the long-mothballed mine, which Bougainville’s leaders see as a critical resource for the autonomous Papua New Guinea region’s independence aspirations.

A new 25-year mining licence has been granted to Bougainville Minerals Ltd, a company controlled by the ABG and local landowners.

This comes after the ABG passed amendments to the Bougainville Mining Act.

The ABG’s President, Ishmael Toroama said the new development was a significant strengthening of landowner participation.

“Landowner rights, compensation rights, local content participation and benefit sharing rights and royalties are preserved. Landowner equity participation is preserved and strengthened,” Toroama said in a statement.

BCL, the long-time licence holder, said it was considering its position as to what steps, if any, it will take.

“The company is currently reviewing the Bougainville Mining (Amendment) Act 2026 to confirm the position set out in the letter from the Autonomous Bougainville Government’s Registrar of Tenements, and that the legislation referred to is in fact enacted and having the force of law,” BCL said in a notice to the ASX.

Panguna is one of the world’s largest copper-gold deposits, still containing an estimated 5.3 million tonnes of copper and 19.3 million ounces of gold.

The mine has been closed since 1988, when grievances over mine operations ignited the Bougainville civil war.

The ABG has also engaged an Indian company, Lloyds Metals, to partner with the local-based company in efforts to redevelop the mine.

Lloyds recently moved machinery and equipment into the Panguna mine area in order to conduct feasibility and exploration work.

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PNG’s ruling party supports 15-year transition period for Bougainville

APR editor — Mon, 22 Jun 2026 08:03:37 +0000

RNZ Pacific

Papua New Guinea’s ruling PANGU Party says it would support a 15-year transition process for Bougainville, regardless of whether Parliament votes for or against independence.

Prime Minister James Marape outlined the proposal in a statement defending PNG’s constitutional process for deciding Bougainville’s political future.

Bougainville, which is an autonomous region within PNG, voted overwhelmingly for independence in a non-binding referendum in 2019, but the final decision rests with PNG’s national Parliament, as provided for under the Bougainville Peace Agreement.

Marape said if parliament voted in favour of independence, the constitution allowed for a negotiated transition period of up to 15 years, during which powers would be progressively transferred from Port Moresby to Bougainville.

He said the process would be conditional on Bougainville demonstrating financial self-sufficiency, maintaining peace and stability, and eliminating armed violence and factionalism.

The prime minister said Bougainville would need to generate enough internal revenue to fund at least 70 percent of its annual budget over a five-year period.

But Marape also said that if Parliament rejected independence, under PANGU’s plan, the referendum result should remain “alive” rather than being extinguished.

Under that scenario, Bougainville would still be given the same 15-year period to meet agreed benchmarks before Parliament reconsidered the issue.

“What I meant was that the issue will not be finally resolved by a single vote alone,” Marape said, in reference to his comments in Parliament recently that “a yes can become a no and a no can become a yes”.

“The parliamentary vote simply begins the next stage of our collective journey as a nation.”

Bougainville, which is an autonomous region within PNG, voted overwhelmingly for independence in a non-binding referendum in 2019. Image: 123rf/RNZ Pacific

Constitutional path
Marape repeatedly stressed that Bougainville’s future could only be decided through constitutional processes established under the 2001 Bougainville Peace Agreement and incorporated into Papua New Guinea’s constitution.

He said Parliament, not the national government, had the final authority to decide the referendum outcome.

“Breaking up a country is the most serious decision any Parliament can make,” he said.

“It is only proper that a super-majority befitting a constitutional change should determine such a matter.”

Marape also defended Parliament Speaker Job Pomat’s position that a three-quarter parliamentary majority should be required in order to ratify the result to approve independence. Bougainville’s leaders have voiced frustration over this high majority threshold.

The prime minister said he would continue discussions with Bougainville leaders and wanted Parliament to consider the referendum outcome on August 30, subject to agreement from the Autonomous Bougainville Government (ABG).

Bougainville’s referendum saw 97.7 percent of voters support independence from PNG after decades of conflict and the Peace Agreement brokered in 2001.

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‘One of the greatest honours in sport’ – Ardie Savea as All Blacks captain

APR editor — Mon, 22 Jun 2026 00:43:07 +0000

By Christina Persico of RNZ Pacific

Ardie Savea has been named All Blacks captain, as head coach Dave Rennie today revealed his first squad at Feilding Yellows Rugby Club.

Savea said he would be drawing on the leadership from those around him, and those who have come before, to inspire and ground him.

“To serve this team, its people and its fans is one of the greatest honours in sport,” he said.

“I believe this role is about empowering everyone in the group to be the best that they can be — from the leadership, to the players and wider staff.

“We pay tribute to those who have gone before us while also acknowledging that the responsibility of writing the next chapter in the All Blacks story lies with us.”

Savea thanked his wife, Saskia, and their children — Kobe, Keeon and Kove — as well as parents and extended family and friends.

“We are blessed to have a ‘village’ that walks alongside us.”

Rennie said they know Savea will do an outstanding job of leading the team on and off-field.

“Ardie is highly respected by his team-mates and cares deeply about the black jersey.”

Pasifika heritage
Other players with Pasifika heritage named in the All Blacks include Asafo Aumua, Samisoni Taukei’aho, George Bower, Pasilio Tosi, Tupou Vaa’i, Patrick Tuipulotu, Wallace Sititi, and Quinn Tupaea.

Xavier Numia, Anton Segner, Fehi Fineanganofo and Josh Moorby are the debutants.

Tamaiti Williams, Scott Barrett, Fabian Holland and Leicester Fainga’anuku were unavailable due to injury.

The All Blacks’ first game of the season is against France on July 4.

Nations Championship Fixtures:

Saturday 4 July: France, One New Zealand Stadium, Christchurch, 7.10pm NZST
Saturday 11 July: Italy, HNRY Stadium, Wellington, 5.10pm NZST
Saturday 18 July: Ireland, Eden Park, Auckland, 7.10pm NZST
Sunday 8 November: Scotland, Sottish Gas Murrayfield, Edinburgh, 3.10am NZDT
Sunday 15 November: Wales, Principality Stadium, Cardiff, 3.10am NZDT
Sunday 22 November: England, Allianz Stadium, London, 3.10am NZDT
27-29 November: Nations Championship Finals Weekend, Allianz Stadium, London

The full 34-man squad:
Hookers
Asafo Aumua (29 / Hurricanes / Wellington / 20)
Codie Taylor (35 / Crusaders / Canterbury /106)
Samisoni Taukei’aho ( 28 / Chiefs / Waikato / 43)

Props
Ethan De Groot (27 / Highlanders / Southland / 40)
George Bower (34 / Crusaders / Otago / 25)
Xavier Numia * (27 / Hurricanes / Wellington / 0)
Tyrel Lomax (30 / Hurricanes / Tasman / 48)
Fletcher Newell (26 / Crusaders / Canterbury / 35)
Pasilio Tosi (27 / Hurricanes / Bay of Plenty / 16)

Locks
Tupou Vaa’i (26 / Chiefs / Taranaki / 45)
Patrick Tuipulotu (33 / Blues / Auckland / 56)
Josh Lord (25 / Chiefs / Taranaki / 12)
Sam Darry (25 / Blues / Canterbury / 8)

Loose Forwards
Peter Lakai (23 / Hurricanes / Wellington / 8)
Simon Parker (26 / Chiefs / Northland / 8)
Ardie Savea (32 / Moana Pasifika / Wellington / 106) (Captain)
Wallace Sititi (23 / Chiefs / North Harbour / 19)
Luke Jacobson (29 / Chiefs / Waikato / 24)
Anton Segner * (24 / Blues / Auckland / 0)

Halfbacks
Cameron Roigard (25 / Hurricanes / Counties Manukau / 17)
Cortez Ratima (25 / Chiefs / Waikato / 21)
Kyle Preston (26 / Crusaders / Wellington / 1)

First Five-Eighths
Ruben Love (25 / Hurricanes / Wellington / 5)
Beauden Barrett (35 / Blues / Taranaki / 144)
Damian McKenzie (31 / Chiefs / Waikato / 74)

Midfielders
Jordie Barrett (29 / Hurricanes / Taranaki / 78)
Quinn Tupaea (27 / Chiefs / Waikato / 24)
Billy Proctor (27 / Hurricanes / Wellington / 11)
Anton Lienert-Brown (31 / Chiefs / Waikato / 88)

Outside Backs
Caleb Clarke (27 / Blues / Auckland / 33)
Fehi Fineanganofo * (23 / Hurricanes / Bay of Plenty / 0)
Leroy Carter (27 / Chiefs / Bay of Plenty / 6)
Josh Moorby * (27 / Hurricanes / Waikato / 0)
Will Jordan (28 / Crusaders / Tasman / 54)

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The new Middle East: How the Old Order died and what is rising in its place

APR editor — Sun, 21 Jun 2026 07:14:38 +0000

ANALYSIS: By Lim Tean

An Israeli cabinet minister has named the new Middle East on live radio — and he named it in alarm.

What Diaspora Affairs Minister Amichai Chikli called the “Türkiye-Qatar-Pakistan axis” is not a threat. It is the architecture of a new regional order.

And once you see its logic, you cannot unsee it. Here is what it means — and what it means for America.

❝What we are witnessing is the rise of a new axis❞

Israeli Diaspora Affairs Minister Amichai Chikli says Türkiye-Qatar-Pakistan axis ‘is worrying’, linking three countries to recent US-Iran deal https://t.co/53i0KcwcAR pic.twitter.com/iOVMd6kEDI

— Anadolu English (@anadoluagency) June 17, 2026

The confession in the alarm
When Amichai Chikli went on Israel’s 103 FM radio this week to warn of the rise of a “Türkiye-Qatar-Pakistan axis,” he wasn’t making a prediction. He was issuing a confession.

An adversary’s alarm is always the most reliable confirmation that a structural shift has occurred — and what Chikli named in anxiety, we must now examine with clarity.

The old Middle East is gone. What is rising in its place is an architecture that no Western foreign policy establishment has yet fully reckoned with — one in which American primacy has been displaced, Israeli military dominance has been exposed as insufficient, and the two great Indigenous powers of the region, Iran and Türkiye, are emerging as the twin poles of a new order.

The moment the Old Order broke
The proximate event was the US-Iran framework agreement — now signed and in force. Trump signing it at the Palace of Versailles during dinner with French President Emmanuel Macron on Wednesday evening, Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian signing from Tehran.

But the manner of its emergence is as consequential as its content.

Washington and Tehran reached their temporary truce on April 8 through Pakistani mediation. The framework itself was shaped by Pakistan, Qatar, and Türkiye — playing, as one account noted, “different but complementary roles.”

Qatar hosted senior Iranian officials and maintained communication channels. Türkiye provided consistent diplomatic backing and called repeatedly for a negotiated resolution. Pakistan’s Army Chief Field Marshal Asim Munir was the crucial bridge, maintaining simultaneous contacts with both Washington and Tehran.

Notice who was absent from this architecture — Israel. Notice who else was absent — the UAE, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia. These are the three traditional American-anchored Gulf states that for three decades defined the regional order alongside Washington.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu himself admitted the scale of his marginalisation. At his first press conference in three months, he conceded he did not know what was actually written in the agreement.

The leader of the Middle East’s most powerful military, possessor of an undeclared nuclear arsenal, was reduced to a bystander while the region’s future was negotiated without him.

Trump, at the G7 summit in France, publicly described Netanyahu as “crazy” and said “without me, there would be no Israel.” Strip away the Trumpian grandiosity and a devastating strategic truth remains: Israel’s security has never rested on its own foundations, but on American patronage. And that patronage is being fundamentally recalibrated.

For American readers, this demands a moment of honest reflection. The United States spent trillions of dollars and decades of strategic energy constructing a Middle Eastern order anchored on Israeli military dominance and Gulf monarchy stability. That order has not been dismantled by an adversary’s military victory. It has been quietly superseded — by diplomacy conducted through channels America did not control, by actors America did not invite, producing an outcome America did not architect. That is a more profound kind of displacement than defeat in battle.

The dual-hegemon architecture
What is emerging is not a successor Pax — not Chinese, not Russian, not any external power’s regional order. It is something rarer and more durable: a regional order anchored by Indigenous great powers.

Iran and Turkey are the twin poles. Between them they possess the military depth, the demographic weight, the geographic centrality, and the independent foreign policy capacity that no other regional actor can match. Iran controls the eastern arc — Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Yemen — through its network of allied movements and state relationships.

Türkiye commands the northern tier, projects power into Syria, maintains NATO membership as a strategic hedge, and has emerged as the region’s most consequential diplomatic broker.

This is not a partnership moving in perfect harmony. Türkiye and Iran are rival civilisational powers with a long history of strategic friction. The more precise framework is managed bipolarity — two hegemons who converge sufficiently on the containment of Israeli expansionism to cooperate diplomatically, while competing for influence across the Arab world’s contested spaces.

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has made his country’s position unambiguous. Speaking to Parliament, he declared that Israeli aggression in Lebanon and Syria had reached a point where it threatened Türkiye directly, and called Israel the single biggest obstacle to regional peace.

Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan, speaking alongside Russia’s Sergey Lavrov in Moscow — a symbolically charged backdrop — welcomed the US-Iran agreement but crucially called for it to evolve into “a structural and lasting security architecture rather than a temporary period of calm”.

That phrase is the key to understanding Ankara’s ambition. Turkey is not interested in episodic crisis management. It is seeking to institutionalise a new regional order in which it is a permanent rule-setter — the Ottoman inheritance reframed for the 21st century.

Iran, militarily weakened by the six-week Israeli offensive but diplomatically rehabilitated by the agreement, emerges in a paradoxical position of strength. It has traded military confrontation for international legitimacy, secured the rehabilitation of its economy, and — crucially — retained its regional network intact. The agreement has not dismantled Iranian power projection. It has brought Iran back into the international system while leaving its strategic depth untouched.

The emerging “Türkiye-Qatar-Pakistan” axis along with Iran . . . the two great Indigenous powers of the region, Iran and Türkiye, are the the twin poles of a New Order. Map: Lim Tean FB

Pakistan: The nuclear keystone
The actor most consistently underestimated in Western analysis is Pakistan — and yet Pakistan may be the keystone of the entire new architecture.

Pakistan is the only Muslim-majority nuclear power. Its Army Chief personally bridged Washington and Tehran to produce the April 8 truce. It sits at the heart of the Türkiye-Qatar-Pakistan diplomatic axis. And it has recently formalised a defence pact with Saudi Arabia.

That last point demands careful attention — and contains a particular irony for American readers.

Saudi Arabia’s strategic anxiety is acute. If American primacy in the region is receding, Riyadh needs an alternative security guarantee. It needs, specifically, nuclear cover. China has been proposed as one possible guarantor. But Pakistan is the more structurally coherent answer — and the answer whose historical roots run deepest.

Saudi money was instrumental in funding Pakistan’s nuclear programme during the 1970s and 1980s. This was never a secret in strategic circles. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s original conception of an “Islamic bomb” was always partly conceived with the broader Muslim world — and implicitly with Saudi Arabia — in mind. The recent Saudi-Pakistan defence pact is not a bilateral footnote. It is the formal institutionalisation of a security relationship whose nuclear dimension has always been implicit.

Here is the American irony: Washington funded, armed, and sustained Pakistan through decades of the Cold War and the War on Terror. American taxpayers financed the Pakistani military establishment that built the Islamic world’s first nuclear arsenal.

That arsenal may now serve as the instrument by which Saudi Arabia quietly exits the American security umbrella — replacing it with an Islamic solidarity framework that carries far greater domestic legitimacy in Riyadh than any guarantee from Washington ever did.

History has a sharp sense of irony. America built the tools of its own displacement.

Lebanon: The proving ground
Lebanon is not a footnote to this architectural shift. It is its most immediate and visible proving ground — the theatre where the transition from old order to new is being tested in real time.

Israel’s continued strikes on south Lebanon, even after the US-Iran framework was announced, reveal the central tension of this transitional moment. Netanyahu, sidelined from the deal and facing devastating domestic criticism, is using Lebanon as the one theatre where he can still project agency. But in doing so, he is accelerating precisely the dynamic that isolates Israel further from the emerging order.

Erdoğan’s response was explicit and historically significant: Israeli attacks on Lebanon and Syria had reached a point where they threatened Türkiye directly, with Ankara’s security now tied to its two neighbouring countries. That is an extraordinary statement from a NATO member — effectively drawing a Turkish strategic red line over Lebanese and Syrian territory.

Under the old American-anchored order, no such red line existed. Lebanon was perpetually sacrificed, a weak state with no regional protector capable of imposing real costs on Israeli operations. That calculus has now changed.

Hezbollah emerges weakened militarily but strategically sheltered. Iran’s diplomatic rehabilitation does not require Hezbollah’s disarmament — it requires Lebanon’s stabilisation as a buffer state within the New Order. The agreement creates pressure for a ceasefire, not for the dismantling of the network that gives Iran its Lebanese strategic depth.

For Israel, this is the core dilemma: military operations in Lebanon that once carried manageable costs now risk triggering a broader regional response that the new architecture makes structurally coherent for the first time.

The coming reckoning: Bahrain, UAE and the Abraham Accords
The states facing the most acute strategic exposure in the new architecture are Bahrain and the UAE — the two Arab signatories of the Abraham Accords most deeply integrated into the Israeli-American axis.

They signed those accords in 2020 premised on a specific geopolitical bet: that American military primacy was durable, that Israeli military dominance was unassailable, and that normalisation with Tel Aviv was the winning ticket to regional security and economic modernisation.

Every one of those premises has now been shaken to its foundation.

American primacy has visibly receded — demonstrated not by any declaration, but by the simple fact that the most consequential regional agreement in a generation was negotiated without Washington in the lead role, and with Washington explicitly sidelining Israel from the process. Israeli military might, while still formidable, has been shown to have strategic limits.

And normalisation with Israel now carries reputational and security costs that were never priced into the original Abraham Accords calculation.

Bahrain and the UAE possess sovereign wealth, infrastructure, and relationships that retain value in any regional configuration. But they are now exposed on multiple flanks simultaneously — caught between an American patron recalibrating its commitments, an Israeli partner increasingly isolated from the new regional consensus, and an emerging order being constructed around axes from which they were conspicuously absent.

Their most likely path is quiet hedging rather than dramatic realignment. Expect both states to begin softening their public identification with Israeli positions, to deepen economic ties with Türkiye and expand back-channel contacts with Tehran, and to use their sovereign wealth funds as instruments of strategic repositioning — investments that signal accommodation with the New Order without requiring a formal rupture with Washington.

Abu Dhabi in particular, will seek to be useful to all sides simultaneously. But the window for comfortable hedging is narrowing. The longer Bahrain and the UAE remain identified with a receding order, the less leverage they will carry when they eventually seek terms with the one that is rising.

Oman and Qatar occupy the opposite end of the spectrum. Oman’s historic role as a quiet back-channel to Iran — it was instrumental in facilitating the early Obama-era nuclear conversations that eventually produced the JCPOA — gives it standing and credibility in the New Order. Qatar’s role in the current mediation, hosting senior Iranian officials and explicitly supporting Pakistani-led diplomacy, has purchased it significant goodwill from Tehran. Both states will navigate the transition with relative comfort.

Saudi Arabia’s inevitable pivot
Saudi Arabia’s position is the most consequential and the most delicate of all.

MBS built his regional vision on three pillars: American security guarantees, economic modernisation through Vision 2030 anchored in Western and Israeli-adjacent investment, and a forthcoming normalisation with Israel that was to be the capstone of the Abraham Accords architecture. That capstone now looks not merely delayed but structurally implausible.

The pivot toward Iran and the new regional order is not a choice Riyadh makes from strength. It is a response to the collapse of the strategic alternative. The 2023 Beijing-brokered Saudi-Iran rapprochement was the first clear signal. The new architecture now accelerating around the Iran-Türkiye axis makes the logic of that pivot not merely rational but increasingly urgent.

Saudi Arabia cannot indefinitely maintain a posture of confrontation with Iran while its American patron visibly disengages, while the new regional order is being built by actors — Turkey, Pakistan, Qatar — with whom Riyadh has workable and historically deep relationships, and while its own population’s Islamic solidarity instincts run counter to alignment with an Israel conducting military campaigns across the Muslim world.

The Pakistani nuclear umbrella is what makes this pivot strategically viable without strategic nakedness. It allows Riyadh to reduce its dependence on American extended deterrence without being exposed — and to do so through an Islamic solidarity framework that carries profound domestic legitimacy in a way that a Chinese or Russian guarantee never could.

A Saudi Arabia sheltered by Pakistani nuclear deterrence, reconciled with Iran, and aligned with the Turkey-Qatar axis is a Saudi Arabia that has successfully navigated the transition without catastrophic rupture with anyone.

The pivot will not be announced with fanfare. It will happen gradually — through accumulating diplomatic signals, quiet investment reorientations, and careful distancing from Israeli positions on Gaza, Lebanon, and the broader regional conflict. By the time it is fully visible to Western analysts, it will already be irreversible.

Conclusion: Reading the tide
What Amichai Chikli named in alarm this week, we should name with analytical precision: the emergence of a new Middle Eastern order anchored by Indigenous power, shaped by Islamic solidarity and civilisational assertion, and no longer organised around American primacy or Israeli military dominance.

Iran and Turkey will not always agree. Their rivalry is ancient and will resurface across multiple theatres. But on the foundational question of this historical moment — that the old externally-imposed order must be replaced by one reflecting the region’s own balance of forces — they are aligned.

And that alignment, backstopped by Pakistan’s nuclear capability, lubricated by Qatar’s financial diplomacy, and increasingly accommodated by a pivoting Saudi Arabia, is sufficient to constitute a genuinely new architecture.

For America, the lesson is not that it has been defeated. It is that it has been superseded — which is a more permanent condition. The tools America built, the relationships America cultivated, the arsenals America funded across decades of Cold War and counter-terrorism strategy, have been repurposed by actors pursuing their own civilisational interests.

That is not a betrayal. It is simply how history works when the tide turns.

The states that bet on the Old Order — Bahrain, UAE, and above all Israel — now face a reckoning whose full dimensions are only beginning to become visible. The states that positioned themselves wisely — Türkiye, Iran, Pakistan, Qatar, and soon Saudi Arabia — will shape what comes next.

History rewards those who read the tide correctly. The tide has turned. The only remaining question is who moves with it — and who insists on standing still as the water rises.

Lim Tean is a Singaporean lawyer, politician and commentator. He is the founder of the political party People’s Voice and a co-founder of the political alliance People’s Alliance for Reform.

Greater Nouméa bus service to be maintained on election day

APR editor — Sun, 21 Jun 2026 05:54:15 +0000

By Patrick Decloitre of RNZ Pacific

The Greater Nouméa bus network service will be maintained on New Caledonia’s provincial election day, Sunday June 28, bus operator Tanéo/Mixed Syndicate of Urban Transports (SMTU) has confirmed.

The announcement follows complaints by several political parties in the French Pacific territory, with less than two weeks to go before the crucial provincial elections.

The greater Nouméa bus network was severely impacted following the May 2024 violent unrest, which affected Nouméa and its immediate suburbs.

It has since resumed a limited service only from Mondays to Saturdays — but no longer on Sundays.

The new price of tickets (about US$4.8 for a single one-way fare) and the reduced number of stops has also come under heavy criticism.

Meanwhile, in a recent decision directly related to the provincial elections in the south of New Caledonia’s main island (including Nouméa), it was decided that the former 56 polling stations in the area have now been merged into 9 voting centres.

One of New Caledonia’s prominent pro-independence parties, the Union Calédonienne (UC), has recently challenged the polling stations re-jig in court, arguing that the merger of polling stations effectively penalises Indigenous Kanak and low income families who could not afford taxis or their own private vehicles.

No Sunday services
It also observed that the public bus service no longer operates on Sundays.

The situation forced some voters to walk several kilometres to reach the nearest polling station.

A similar network of merged polling stations was implemented during the municipal elections in March 2026.

However, Nouméa’s administrative tribunal dismissed the case on June 12.

In a media release on Thursday, Tanéo clarified that on an “exceptional” basis, their buses will operate on the Nouméa and Greater Nouméa network from 8am to 6pm at a pace of about one bus per hour on election day.

It said this was a similar service to the one usually practised on Saturdays for Nouméa and its suburban communes of Païta, Mont-Dore and Dumbéa.

The Nouméa and Greater Nouméa Area make up for more than 65 percent of New Caledonia’s total population of 265,000 people.

Advance tickets needed
But Tanéo said that passengers would have to buy their tickets in advance or recharge their bus passes because “no ticket will be sold onboard”.

Passengers who have already subscribed to a valid pass can also use it on election day.

Tanéo/SMTU said its decision to restore a minimum service on election day would be implemented at its own cost, estimated at around US$55,000.

Earlier this month, the company also announced the introduction of new subscriptions (including a monthly pass at US$57.64 or US$145 quarterly).

Reacting to the announcement which is being perceived as a significant gamechanger, Union Calédonienne said on social networks that it was “an important step forward”.

“It brings us closer to two fundamental principles in any democracy: voters’ equality in front of the suffrage and the sincerity of the vote, regardless of voters’ social condition, their commune of residence or their transportation constraints.”

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‘Take this seriously’ – flotilla activist claims beating allegations ignored by NZ govt

APR editor — Sat, 20 Jun 2026 11:04:55 +0000

By Penny Smith of RNZ

A New Zealand activist detained as part of a Gaza-bound aid flotilla is calling on the government to launch an independent investigation into allegations of mistreatment by Israeli forces, after Australia launched an inquiry into similar claims involving 11 of its citizens.

Hāhona Ormsby, a member of the Global Sumud Aotearoa delegation, said he and other New Zealand participants were assaulted after their vessel was intercepted by Israeli forces in international waters in May.

Ormsby (Ngāti Maniapoto) said he was disappointed by what he described as a lack of action from the New Zealand government.

“I would like our government to actually take this seriously and actually hold Israel accountable for this,” he said.

The comments come after the Australian Federal Police launched an investigation into allegations of rape and torture involving Australian citizens detained during flotilla operations, following a request from Australian Foreign Minister Penny Wong.

Global Sumud Aotearoa has accused the New Zealand government of failing to investigate allegations made by New Zealand citizens.

“Unlike Australia, France, Spain, Malaysia, Türkiye and other countries, New Zealand and Foreign Minister Winston Peters have failed to launch a government investigation into the mistreatment of New Zealand citizens,” the group said.

Government response criticised
Ormsby also criticised the government’s response to the incident.

“Calling in the Israeli ambassador and slapping him with a wet bus ticket over tea and scones doesn’t count as meaningful action,” he said.

The activist was promptly ejected from Parliament this week after he questioned Peters during a scrutiny hearing.

Asked about contact with officials, Ormsby said he received an email from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade (MFAT) on Wednesday seeking further information about what had occurred, despite the fact he had been back in New Zealand for close to a month.

MFAT confirmed it was seeking information from those involved.

“We are concerned by the serious allegations raised by flotilla participants,” a ministry spokesperson said.

“We have sought further information from those involved in the flotilla interceptions in April and May. This information has yet to be received.”

Raised expectations with Israel
The ministry said the government had raised expectations directly with Israeli officials.

“At the time, the New Zealand government said it expected Israel to adhere to its international legal obligations, including in its treatment of New Zealanders participating in the flotilla. This expectation was raised directly with Israel’s Ambassador to New Zealand and with Israeli officials.”

MFAT also noted New Zealand’s long-standing travel advice for Gaza remains “Do Not Travel”, warning of the risks associated with attempting to enter Gaza by sea.

Global Sumud Aotearoa said New Zealand should formally interview returning activists and seek medical and forensic evidence gathered by Turkish authorities after detainees were transferred to Turkey.

Ormsby said he plans to respond to MFAT’s request for information and hoped the government would meet directly with New Zealand participants.

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People power against Trump’s wars – act against NZ ‘war mineral’ deals

APR editor — Sat, 20 Jun 2026 09:17:40 +0000

Greenpeace Aotearoa

The streets of Auckland, New Zealand’s largest city, echoed with the sound of people power today.

From Aotea Square to the US Consulate on Customs Street, protesters marched shoulder-to-shoulder because they refuse to let Aotearoa become a supply chain for global conflict.

The protesters in the March for Peace were demanding that the New Zealand government refuse any “war mineral” deals with the US President Donald Trump’s administration.

“We will not allow our precious environment to be mined and destroyed to feed a military machine,” said a statement by the organisers Greenpeace Aotearoa with Anti-War Aotearoa (AAA).

“But our fight doesn’t end today. We need to send a direct, undeniable message to Jared Novelly, the newly confirmed incoming US Ambassador.

“As an oil billionaire and Republican donor, he is looking to our region to secure these minerals — and we need to stand united to tell him NO!

“Our whenua and moana are not for sale, and they are certainly not bargaining chips for foreign wars.”

Take action now: Join the “no war materials” declaration

Video clip and images by Kerry Sorensen-Tyrer.

“Boycott Warmonger Israel” . . . one of the placards at today’s Auckland March for Peace. Image: Kerry Sorensen-Tyrer

“Stop Supporting Trump’s Wars” . . . a banner at today’s Auckland March for Peace. Image: Kerry Sorensen-Tyrer

Hawke’s Bay enslaver and human trafficker Joseph Matamata granted parole

APR editor — Sat, 20 Jun 2026 00:54:57 +0000

By Lucy Xia of RNZ

A Hawke’s Bay horticultural labour contractor, who was the first person to be convicted of both human trafficking and slavery in New Zealand, has been granted parole and will be released next month.

Seventy-one-year-old Joseph Matamata, who also goes by Viliamu Samu, was sentenced to 11 years imprisonment for using 13 people as slaves and 10 charges of human trafficking.

Two of the trafficking convictions were nullified by the Court of Appeal, because of a procedural error in the Solicitor-General’s office.

Between 1994 and 2019, Matamata brought people from Samoa on three-month holiday visas to work on orchards in Hawke’s Bay. He’d also adopted three young people in 2016.

On Friday, Matamata appeared before the Parole Board for the third time, after serving nearly six years in prison.

He was refused parole twice last year.

Parole Board member Serina Bailey said when considering undue risk of reoffending the board believed it could grant Matamata parole. However, she said it believed Matamata had minimised his offending and did not have a clear understanding of the full impact of his actions.

14 hour days
During his trial in 2020, the court heard that Matamata made his victims work up to 14 hours a day in the fields, seven days a week, restricted their movement, and withheld their wages.

They worked at Matamata’s home late into the evening and were beaten up if they broke rules, including speaking to their families in Samoa or leaving his Hastings home without permission.

Immigration New Zealand “conservatively estimated” that Matamata kept more than $400,000 in wages they had earned.

Matamata’s youngest victim was a 12-year-old boy, and the court heard that he was beaten, and stabbed with a secateur.

Another victim, a 15-year-old girl who thought she would be going to school in New Zealand, told the jury she was made to look after Matamata’s children, cook and clean.

She said she had escaped to Auckland but was later brought back by Matamata, whom she said tied her up in his car on the journey back to Hastings, and put her in a storeroom for the night.

The Matamata family property in Hawke’s Bay where his 13 victims lived. Image: RNZ/Anusha Bradley

Matamata’s lawyer Regena Sommers told the Parole Board that he was sorry for using the victims and not seeing their needs, and that he was under a lot of pressure at the time. He was sending the fruits of his work and the victims’ labour to pay for various ceremonies and events back in Samoa, which could cost up to $100,000.

‘Humbled’ by ordeal
Sommers said Matamata had been “humbled by this entire ordeal” and that he had addressed his offending through rehabilitation programmes.

When asked by Bailey how he could have treated the victims the way he did, Matamata said through an interpreter, “I am sad after realising that what I did and what happened was wrong, I realise now that living in New Zealand is very different from life in Samoa”.

Bailey asked if he meant that he could treat people like that in Samoa, and he didn’t understand he couldn’t do this in New Zealand.

Matamata replied that in Samoa people worked for themselves on their own plantations and that for him, “we were working with everybody here” in a similar way, “and hence the conviction”, he added.

Asked why he worked his victims so hard, he said it was because he couldn’t afford at the time to provide for everyone who lived with their family.

He also told the Parole Board that he sometimes took loans to bring people over from Samoa and pay for their flights, and that it was agreed that the people needed to repay the loans when they started working — “It was their way of contributing,” he said.

Asked by Bailey why did the assaults on his victims happen, Matamata said a lot of the assaults were things that happened when he was young, and behaved like a youth.

Life changed
He said his life changed after he got married and had children.

Matamata cried at times when he told the Parole Board that after taking the rehabilitation programme, it was clear to him what he put those people through was wrong and that he realised he was guilty.

He was emotional when speaking of his wife and his children, and the difficulty of being away from them.

Parole Board member Materoa Dodd told Matamata that while there was honesty in some parts of his responses, she thought he minimised his offending in other parts, such as talking about his youth when asked about the violence.

“Really the assaults were about assaults that you made on the victims of your current offending, not when you were a youth,” she said.

Asked how he had addressed his anger management, Matamata said a rehabilitation programme he attended had given him new insight, and that the course taught him how to deal with high risk situations.

Asked about high risks for himself and the community if he was released, Matamata used the examples of if his wife was not happy with him, he would walk away, or if someone wanted to fight him, he would think about the repercussions.

Avoid migrant requests
Later he added that if anybody in his extended family wanted to come to New Zealand, that could be a risk “because that situation has led to me being here with conviction”. He said he would avoid those requests.

Parole Board member Alistair Spierling commented that he noticed that the first high risk in Matamata’s safety plan was greed or money, but Matamata had not spoken of either of those.

He also said he had concerns about Matamata’s minimisation of his offending.

Sommers told the Parole Board that a psychologist who reviewed Matamata’s safety plan did not raise any concerns.

She said Matamata not “responding perfectly” to the board was a sign that he was nervous and overwhelmed.

Matamata’s case manager said applications had been submitted for him to be supported by community organisations, where he could reintegrate in a “guided release” and maintain his Pasifika culture.

A prison officer told the Parole Board Matamata had interacted with different cultures during his term, and had mixed well in social gatherings. She said he had maintained compliance.

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Gaza flotilla victim blaming – time to expel Israel’s ambassador

APR editor — Fri, 19 Jun 2026 10:51:29 +0000

Even Australian Foreign Minister Penny Wong believes the Gaza flotilla victims and the AFP (Australian Federal Police) is investigating, yet Israel’s ambassador and the Murdoch press call everyone liars. What gives? Michael West Media reports.

COMMENTARY: By Andrew Brown

Israel’s ambassador to Australia has looked at Australian citizens who say they were beaten, tortured and raped, and called them frauds.

Sit with that. A foreign envoy, on Australian soil, telling Australian women that their rape and torture is a performance.

Ambassador Hillel Newman and his embassy say there is no credible evidence, brand the 11 Australians professional provocateurs, and say the allegations are already proven false. To the survivors’ families, the embassy said its forces treated detainees with great sensitivity.

On ABC radio, Newman called the AFP investigation a mistake and warned that if he decided it was a witch hunt, he was not sure how Israel would respond.

How dare he? How dare a foreign ambassador stand in this country and tell Australian women that what was done to them never happened? How dare he reduce Juliet Lamont to a propagandist before one piece of evidence has been tested? A woman who says she was beaten, cable-tied and raped, who has the medical record of a fractured coccyx.

That is not diplomacy. It is

the demonisation of rape victims by the representative of the state they are accusing.

Understand who else he is calling a liar. Penny Wong, the Foreign Minister of Australia, sat with these survivors and told the country she believes them, calling their treatment horrific and unacceptable.

Anne Aly, a minister of the Crown, was also there. So was a senior DFAT official, and a Deputy Commissioner of the Australian Federal Police.

By Lamont’s account, every woman in that room believed her, thanked her, and told her she was brave.

So when Newman says the survivors are lying,

he is saying the Foreign Minister of Australia is lying.

He is saying a minister of the Crown is a fool and the federal police are running a witch hunt against the truth. A foreign ambassador has called the senior leadership of the Australian government dupes for daring to believe Australian women.

No contest of the facts
Newman has not contested one allegation with one fact. No ship log. No operational order. No footage. No medical record.

He confirms no request for further footage has even been answered, and says Israel alone will decide whether the AFP is worthy of seeing it. The accused wants to vet his own investigators while branding the victims liars.

That is not a government with nothing to hide.

It is one that has decided contempt is cheaper than cooperation.

Now watch who sprinted to stand beside him. The Australian Jewish Association, the word “Australian” sitting right there in its name and never meaning less.

Confronted with Australians who say they were raped in Israeli custody, the AJA did not call for Israel to be investigated, did not demand it hand over the evidence, and did not stand behind a single Australian woman.

Instead, its chief executive, Robert Gregory, wrote to the AFP Commissioner, Krissy Barrett, demanding the flotilla participants, the Australian citizens, be investigated.

Read that twice, because it is grotesque.

An outfit waving the Australian flag asked Australian police to hunt Australian rape complainants on behalf of the foreign government accused of raping them, and called it “patriotism”.

So drop the pretence and ask where its loyalty lies. Not with the women. Not with the law. Not with the country whose name it wears like a costume. It lies with Israel, and only Israel.

Given a clean choice between abused Australians and the power that abused them, it chose the power and reached for the nearest Australian institution to use as a weapon against Australians.

Juliet Lamont was raped and tortured by Israeli soldiers. this is her story, told by Andrew Brown. #gaza #flotilla #auspol #IDF https://t.co/cDagAsu0gK

— Michael West (@MichaelWestBiz) June 11, 2026

Murdoch’s complicity
Then there is Sky News. Handed a story about Australian women alleging rape and torture, the Murdoch network did not interview the survivors, did not put Penny Wong on air, and did not call the AFP.

It handed the microphone to the AJA and let Gregory’s demand to investigate the victims run as the story.

Faced with tortured Australians on one side and the lobby smearing them on the other, Sky knew exactly whose talking points to broadcast. That is not journalism. It is a foreign state’s propaganda, laundered through an Australian network and sold to Australians as though the victims were the villains.

Three voices, one message. A foreign ambassador, a lobby cosplaying as Australian, and a network that has forgotten which country it broadcasts in, all telling this nation that its tortured citizens are liars and that the people who really need investigating are the Australians who came home with broken bones.

There is a word for siding with a foreign power against your own abused citizens. It is not patriotism. It is the opposite. How un-Australian can you be?

This is the same Israeli government whose minister, Itamar Ben-Gvir, sanctioned by Australia, filmed the detained Australians and captioned it “welcome to Israel”.

France and Italy have opened war crimes proceedings. Canada has demanded an independent investigation. The survivors have lodged sworn affidavits with the International Criminal Court (ICC). The answers from Newman, the AJA, and Sky News are identical.

Deny everything. Smear the witnesses. Investigate the victims. Protect the state.

So hand it over. Every report, every order, every communication, every witness, every second of footage. If Israel has nothing to hide, it has nothing to fear.

Its ambassador says the survivors are lying. The survivors, and the Foreign Minister who believes them, say otherwise. The evidence will decide.

The world is watching. So are Australians. The time for denials is ending. The time for evidence has arrived.

Andrew Brown is a Sydney businessman in the health products sector, former Deputy Mayor of Mosman and Palestine peace activist. This article was first published by Michael West Media and is republished with permission.

Campaigning in full swing as New Caledonia heads toward crucial provincial elections

APR editor — Fri, 19 Jun 2026 10:01:16 +0000

By Patrick Decloitre of RNZ Pacific

Political parties in New Caledonia are now in full campaigning mode for the French Pacific territory’s provincial elections.

The campaign officially opened on Monday and will last until 26 June 2026 at midnight local time.

The crucial poll, involving more than 190,000 voters (as part of a recently revised, but still restricted electoral roll) is scheduled to take place on Sunday, June 28.

The campaign will be carried out on the ground, at rallies and on posters, but also on the internet and social media.

On the security front, the French High Commission in New Caledonia has been allocated and is maintaining a high level of security forces (both gendarmerie and police).

Among the recently reported incidents, investigations are ongoing regarding the mass theft of some 37 telecommunication poles in the small rural town of Poum (northern tip of the main island Grande Terre) last week.

The equipment belongs to OPT (Office des Postes et Télécommunications), New Caledonia’s telecom operator.

The poles were sawn off at road level on a distance of over 1 Km and taken away.

Poum Mayor Marc Tidjine called on the population to be “responsible”.

“It’s difficult to bring people together with such incidents that go in the wrong direction,” he said.

A number of cash ATMs were also vandalised last week in Nouméa.

French PM warns of potential digital foreign interference threat
French Prime Minister Sébastien Lecornu made a direct reference to New Caledonia’s upcoming provincial elections last week when, during a media conference in Paris, he warned against risks related to “interference” during elections.

Lecornu cited a recent report from the French digital watchdog agency Viginum.

He said French authorities would remain “vigilant” because previous Viginum reports had detected earlier cases of foreign digital interference, especially during the May 2024 riots and related unrest that caused 14 deaths and more than 2 billion euros (NZ$3.9 billion) in material damage.

Regular monitoring is intended in order to react in real time to alert voters and expose any potential digital-based attack or attempt of disinformation.

Lecornu said in the case of New Caledonia, there was a particular vulnerability related to New Caledonia’s “situation in the Pacific” and earlier cases of foreign interference.

“Foreign digital interference is a growing threat to democratic life and debate”, Lecornu told reporters.

He said the risk was especially potent with “heavy threats” anticipated at France’s presidential elections in April 2027.

On television and radio, candidates will also be granted time to broadcast their respective political messages, under the watch of the French media watchdog ARCOM (Audiovisual and Digital Communication Authority) which monitors and supervises speech time count.

Candidates already mobilised
As for the list of political parties and candidates contesting the poll, the two main blocs, for and against independence of New Caledonia, are the pro-France united list that brings together Les Loyalistes, Rassemblement-LR, Génération NC.

The pro-independence FLNKS (Kanak and Socialist National Liberation Front, including Union Calédonienne) is one of the main components of the pro-independence movement.

But this year, a UNI (Union Nationale pour l’Indépendance) movement is also running separately after its two main pillars, PALIKA (Kanak Liberation Party) and UPM (Union Progressiste en Mélanésie) broke away from FLNKS in August 2024, citing profound divergences on the approach to New Caledonia’s independence process.

This year’s poll is also seeing the emergence of a record number of “moderate” and “central” lists advocating for a “middle way” and distancing themselves from the confrontational approach from the two main blocks.

But these small lists also run the risk of contributing to a dispersion of votes and not reaching the required threshold of 5 percent of registered voters.

Some of the dominating themes during this campaign are a direct result of the current situation in New Caledonia, two years after the violent unrest that also exacerbated an already difficult economic and social situation, leaving thousands jobless due to the destruction of several hundreds of businesses.

Transport and health
Among the main sectors also affected by the situation are transport and health.

On the transport scene, links have been seriously disrupted especially between Nouméa and the outer Loyalty Island (North-east).

This remains the case for domestic flights operated by local company Air Calédonie, due to a blockade organised by a group of users who want to protest against a recent decision to move its operations from the small and nearby airport of Magenta to the international airport of La Tontouta (located more than 50 Km away from the capital’s downtown district).

The blockade has not yet been fully resolved, but flights to the Isle of Pines (South of Nouméa) and more recently (early June) to Lifou were restored.

This leaves the Loyalty Islands of Maré and Ouvéa still not operational.

On the sea, maritime connections via the ferry Betico have also been largely disrupted by a series of mechanical faults, leaving the connection highly unreliable.

A group of vessel staff has announced it would go on strike during the three days preceding the elections.

This was to protest against delays to speed up a new project to have a new catamaran vessel, Betico 3, built for a total estimated cost of US$33 million.

This was to replace the ageing Betico 2.

But New Caledonia’s Congress and government have yet to approve and endorse the financial dossier which would unlock the required deposit (US$2.7m) with the shipbuilder, Austal.

In the health sector, the situation is also perceived as critical with many rural areas struggling to maintain an acceptable level of service to the population.

In several areas, patients in need of care have to cope with reduced setups, mostly due to the absence of medical staff.

In some areas, the services have had to be reorganised and mutualised, sometimes working on a skeleton mode and resorting more often to telemedicine with remote practitioners.

New Caledonia’s government, over the past two years, has tried to implement strategies to foster the security of medical practitioners and to incite them to stay at their posts.

It has also initiated a campaign to recruit more overseas-based doctors to fill the vacant positions.

This story was first published on

Renewed UN calls for decolonisation action on New Caledonia, French Polynesia, Guam and Tokelau

APR editor — Fri, 19 Jun 2026 03:13:17 +0000

RNZ Pacific

The UN Special Committee on Decolonisation has heard renewed calls for action on Kanaky New Caledonia, French Polynesia, Guam and Tokelau.

Pacnews reports that the committee has heard from Pacific representatives, petitioners and administering powers debating the pace of self-determination and decolonisation in the territories.

The committee approved three draft resolutions aimed at strengthening UN support for the world’s remaining Non-Self-Governing Territories.

These include measures promoting information-sharing, reporting obligations and visiting missions.

Kanaky New Caledonia dominated much of the debate, with petitioners urging the UN to take a more active role in addressing the French territory’s political crisis and advancing its self-determination process.

Both Kanaky New Caledonia and French Polynesia are French territories, Guam is American, and Tokelau is NZ-administered.

New Zealand’s Pacific diplomacy
Meanwhile, New Zealand Foreign Minister Winston Peters says his country’s commitment to the region remains a top priority.

He made the comment in a Parliamentary Select committee scrutiny hearing.

The recent budget saw a big boost in funding to his ministry, with an extra $100 million for foreign aid to the Pacific over three years.

Peters said small countries matter, and New Zealand took the approach to treat Pacific countries as equals.

He noted the gap in the Pacific created by the US since it had rapidly pulled back its international aid.

The minister said he had spoken to US Secretary of State Marco Rubio about revisiting this position.

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New Zealand First’s campaign to scrap city’s independent Māori Board just ‘dumb, racist stuff’, says mayor

APR editor — Fri, 19 Jun 2026 03:00:33 +0000

By Tuwhenuaroa Natanahira of RNZ Te Ao Māori

Auckland’s mayor has hit out at a New Zealand First election campaign promise to scrap the city’s Independent Māori Statutory Board (IMSB), shrugging it off as “dumb, racist stuff”.

The party has penned and introduced a bill seeking to disestablish the board, stating that the unelected council body “exercised significant influence” over council decision making and set up a “a parallel governance system”.

In a statement to RNZ, Mayor Wayne Brown said he did not know why the government was “picking a fight”.

“It’s just dumb, racist stuff we don’t need at a time when people are struggling to put food on the table and pay bills. What’s the problem they’re trying to solve?” Brown said.

The IMSB was established in 2010 alongside the creation of the Auckland Super City and was set up to make decisions to promote economic, cultural, environmental and social issues that are significant to Māori in the living in the city, as well as making sure Auckland Council meets its obligation to Te Tiriti o Waitangi.

New Zealand First leader Winston Peters . . .his party has penned and introduced a bill seeking to disestablish Auckland’s Independent Māori Statutory Board (IMSB). Image: RNZ/Mark Papalii

It is independent of the council and has nine members elected by a selection group made of mana whenua representatives. It can appoint up to two members to Auckland Council committees making decisions on management and stewardship of natural and physical resources.

Members appointed by the board have voting rights on those committees.

Brown said the council had “several committees and advisory forums that enable robust discussions and the sharing of a range of views”.

“I would’ve thought this contributes rather than takes away from our democracy.

“My suggestion to Wellington is butt out of our business. Auckland is quite capable of making decisions that work best for us,” Brown said.

The Auckland Ratepayers’ Alliance is welcoming the members bill, with spokesperson Josh Van Veen saying the board wields “considerable power”.

“We have previously called for the government to strip the IMSB of voting rights on council committees. But the time has come to get rid of the IMSB altogether.

“Auckland Council should be governed by representatives who are elected by, and accountable to, Aucklanders. There is no place in local government for a body with special statutory privileges that ratepayers have no ability to vote for or remove.”

Van Veen said local democracy works best when governors are directly answerable to the public.

“The Independent Māori Statutory Board was established as a temporary political compromise during the formation of the Auckland Super City. More than 15 years later, it has become an entrenched layer of bureaucracy that undermines democratic accountability,” he said.

The board is led by chairman David Taipari (pictured) and chief executive Leesah Murray . . . the board has been asked for comment. Image: RNZ/Cole Eastham-Farrelly

RNZ understands the IMSB is meeting to discuss the proposed bill.

RNZ has asked the IMSB for comment.

This story was first published on

‘You’re a liar! You’re a liar!’ NZ foreign minister Peters insults Gaza flotilla torture survivor in Parliament

APR editor — Thu, 18 Jun 2026 11:23:15 +0000

SPECIAL REPORT: By Eugene Doyle

Something significant and revelatory just happened in the New Zealand Parliament. I was present at today’s Foreign Affairs Select Committee meeting when things kicked off between the Foreign Minister and humanitarian aid activist Hāhona Ormsby, one of the New Zealanders who survived kidnapping and beatings by Israeli forces in May.

Despite the presence of many well-known pro-Palestinian activists, there was no security in the room when things turned spicy. By the time security raced into the room the minister had lost all composure and repeatedly shouted at Ormsby, “You’re a liar!”

Ormsby may have breached parliamentary rules when he rose to challenge Winston Peters but he felt it was a price worth paying.

“Is it New Zealand First, Winston? Or is it Israel First? Ormsby shot at the minister, leader of the New Zealand First Party. Turning to see the speaker, Peters appeared to recognise the tattooed face (mata ora) of Ormsby (Ngāti Maniapoto).

The chair tried to shut things down but Ormsby continued, “Are you going to sanction Israel? Are we going to investigate Israel for the people on the fleet that were brutally beaten and tortured?”

When Ormsby identified himself as one of the activists who had been held captive and severely beaten by the Israelis, Peters shouted, “Get out of here! You’re a liar!”

Another activist shot back: “You’re a war criminal.”

A priceless moment
This was a priceless moment because it revealed something enormously important: Peters believes what Itamar Ben-Gvir, Benjamin Netanyahu and the Israeli ambassador are saying and denies the evidence of 430 activists who were kidnapped and taken to Israel in May.

Some were hospitalised immediately on arriving in Türkiye. Winston takes the word of indicted war criminals in preference to medical examiners and lawyers who attended the activists on arrival in Türkiye.

Denying his own lying eyes, he waves away the black eyes, broken noses, deep wounds and other clearly visible injuries. Peters said there was “no evidence of brutality”.

Gaza flotilla activist Hāhona Ormsby’s (right) message to Winston Peters . . . “Is it New Zealand First, Winston? Or is it Israel First?” Image: www.solidarity.co.nz

Above all, he is calling fine New Zealanders, several of whom I know and respect, liars. He is calling Samuel Leason, Jay O’Connor, Mousa Taher, Rana Hamida, Julien Blondel, Sean Janssen and Hāhona Ormsby liars on the word of a state that invented a new form of lying — hasbara — a billion-dollar propaganda campaign to frame their genocidal violence as self-defence.

By impugning the good name of some of our finest citizens Winston Peters betrays his duty to defend New Zealand and puts at risk Kiwis who continue their non-violent campaign to open a humanitarian corridor to the suffering people of Palestine.

“Welcome to Hell” – Inside Israeli torture prisons for Palestinians. Image: www.btselem.org

Meanwhile, even Australia has, on instruction from Winston’s counterpart Penny Wong, launched an investigation into testimonies of rape and torture by Australian members of the Global Sumud Flotilla.

France, Italy, Poland, Türkiye and others have launched investigations over crimes including unlawful interception and piracy, rape and other sexual violence, torture, systematic abuse and illegal detention.

Countries such as Belgium, Germany, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom have issued stinging rebukes. Malaysia is taking Israel to the International Court of Justice over the kidnapping and violence dished out to their citizens.

Surprise for Global Sumud Delegation
Just the day before, to the surprise of the Global Sumud Delegation, the New Zealand Ministry of Foreign Affairs (after having done absolutely nothing since Israeli forces attacked the flotilla in international waters) sent them an email offering to pass on any information about mistreatment to the Israelis.

It triggered suspicion as to motives. Today’s exchange reveals that MFAT and its minister had already made up their minds.

Rana Hamida of Global Sumud Aotearoa said: “Knowing we were coming to Wellington, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs sent us an email yesterday asking us to provide information on what happened to our activists. The message was that they would put this to the Israelis — in other words: they will leave it to Israel to be both the criminal and the judge. That’s not good enough.”

I tell Hāhona Ormsby’s story in detail in “He’s Māori!” Hāhona Ormsby – a New Zealander in the gruesome Israeli prison system”.

‘Is it NZ First, or Israel First?’ Ormsby challenges NZ foreign minister Peters #asiapacificreport #globalsumudflotilla @gbsumudflotilla #KiaOraGaza @1ElegantFriends #Israeliabuse #israelitorture #HumanRightsMatter https://t.co/ox6qZMhwLh pic.twitter.com/OVVWfYIPeC

— David Robie (@DavidRobie) June 18, 2026

Ormsby’s action today in a parliamentary select committee clearly breached rules. It was, however, acting in the long tradition of those who have the courage to oppose complicity with tyranny and oppression.

As such, he stands in the company of the great Medea Benjamin of Code Pink, my friend and former CIA veteran Ray McGovern, Greta Thunberg and so many others who have raised their citizen voices in the halls of power and calmly accepted the indignity of being frog-marched out of buildings for doing so.

Eugene Doyle is a writer based in Wellington, New Zealand. He has written extensively on the Middle East, as well as peace and security issues in the Asia Pacific region. He contributes to Asia Pacific Report and he hosts solidarity.co.nz

‘Is it NZ First, or Israel First?’ Ormsby challenges NZ foreign minister Peters

APR editor — Thu, 18 Jun 2026 07:28:17 +0000

Asia Pacific Report

A member of the Aotearoa delegation on the Global Sumud flotilla humanitarian aid mission seeking to break the illegal Gaza enclave blockade imposed by Israel since 2007 clashed with New Zealand’s Foreign Minister Winston Peters in a parliamentary hearing yesterday.

Peters was attempting to defend his heavily criticised government response to Israel’s war on Gaza that has killed more than 75,000 Palestinians — mostly women and children — while speaking to the Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade Committee yesterday.

Peters was answering a line of questions from MPs on whether New Zealand had spoken strongly enough against Israel, when Hāhona Ormsby (Ngāti Maniapoto) — a flotilla activist who was brutally abused by Israeli military after being kidnapped in the Mediterranean sea near Cyprus last month and detained — stood up and interrupted him.

“Is it New Zealand First, Winston? Or is it Israel First?” Ormsby asked.

He then asked whether New Zealand would sanction Israel, or “investigate Israel for the people that were on the flotilla who were brutally beaten and tortured?”

Ormsby and his fellow activists were then ordered by committee chair Tim van de Molen to leave the room. The video livestream feed was also cut during the protest.

Global Sumud Aotearoa Delegation activists came to Wellington this week to challenge Peters over what they condemned as “government inaction following the abduction and mistreatment of New Zealand citizens” by the Israeli military forces in both May and last year.

Australia, France, other countries investigating
Unlike Australia, France, Spain, Malaysia, Türkiye and several other countries, New Zealand and Peters have failed to launch a government investigation into the mistreatment of New Zealand citizens.

The Australian Federal Police (AFP), under instruction from Foreign Minister Penny Wong have now launched an investigation into rape and torture by Israeli forces on Australian citizens who were detained in international waters.

An extract from the Global Sumud Aotearoa Delegation dossier of allegations of abuse, beatings and torture against the Israeli military . . . allegations have been filed by many of the 40 countries that took part in the flotilla last month, some being taken to the International Court of Justice and others to the International Criminal Court. Image: Global Sumud Aotearoa screenshot APR

“Knowing we were coming to Wellington, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs sent us an email yesterday asking us to provide information on what happened to our activists,” a spokesperson for Global Sumud Aotearoa, Rana Hamida, said.

‘Israel both criminal and judge’
“The message was that they would put this to the Israelis — in other words: they will leave it to Israel to be both the criminal and the judge. That’s not good enough.

“Malaysia, for example, is taking Israel to the International Court of Justice over the kidnapping and violence dished out to their citizens.”

Hāhona Ormsby, who endured multiple beatings by the Israelis after being seized in international waters and taken to Israel, said: “Calling in the Israeli ambassador and slapping him with a wet bus ticket over tea and scones does not count as meaningful action.”

The government has treated people like Ormsby as a “threat” while doing nothing to hold Israel to account, Global Sumud Aotearoa said in a statement.

“I had two detectives come and interview me this week to assess if I was a ‘threat’. Imagine that? I joined the Sumud flotilla armed with nothing other than aroha and I — a New Zealand citizen — get treated as the problem,” Ormsby said.

“But some Israeli soldier fresh from killing women, children, and babies in Gaza and Lebanon knows they can holiday in New Zealand with no questions asked.”

Global Sumud Aotearoa is demanding that the NZ government launch its own “non-Israeli-led investigation”. New Zealand should coordinate with other governments who had already launched inquiries into the attack on their citizens, the group said in its statement.

‘Interview the activists’
“A first step would be for the government to formally interview our returning activists. Second, the government should liaise with the Turkish authorities who sent planes to Israel to bring over 400 detained Sumud activists to safety in Istanbul.

“It should be noted New Zealand provided absolutely no support whatsoever to their citizens,” the statement said.

All the Sumud people who were flown out of Israel, including the New Zealand citizens, were given medical examinations and forensic interviews in Türkiye.

Some, including Hāhona Ormsby and fellow Kiwi Mousa Taher, received hospital treatment for their injuries.

“MFAT requesting medical records from Türkiye would be a useful place to start,” the Sumud statement said.

Global Sumud Aotearoa has widely distributed a detailed response to “Israeli propaganda that ludicrously suggested that the black eyes, broken noses and ribs inflicted on citizens from over 40 countries was an elaborate hoax”.

“The photo of the damaged face of New Zealand citizen Julien Blondel, beaten by Israelis in an attack in international waters on April 29, should have triggered immediate action by the NZ government,” the statement said.

“The Israelis, realising that New Zealand and other Western governments stood with them, not their own citizens, increased the level of violence in their June attack on over 50 vessels.”

The face of Julien Blondel . . . bloodied but unbowed, he and three other New Zealand peace activists along with dozens of other international Gaza humanitarian protest crew members were savagely beaten by Israeli soldiers who attacked the Global Sumud flotilla in international waters near the Greek Island of Crete in April. A further Israeli attack on the Gaza flotilla happened last month. Image: www.solidarity.co.nz

Vanuatu’s Anna Naupa becomes first woman to lead MSG Secretariat

APR editor — Thu, 18 Jun 2026 06:12:03 +0000

RNZ Pacific

A Pacific politics expert and ni-Vanuatu woman has become the first woman to be appointed to lead the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) Secretariat.

Anna Naupa, described by the Vanuatu government as “one of the nation’s finest minds”, is the new director-general of the sub-regional bloc, which is headquartered in Port Vila.

The MSG is made up of Papua New Guinea, Vanuatu, the Solomon Islands, Fiji and the Kanak Socialist National Liberation Front (FLNKS) of New Caledonia.

READ MORE: Other MSG reports

In a statement yesterday, Vanuatu’s Office of the Prime Minister said Naupa’s appointment was “a historic moment”.

“Since the MSG was founded in 1986 by the giants of Melanesia — Paias Wingti of Papua New Guinea, Father Walter Lini of Vanuatu, Ezekiel Alebua of Solomon Islands, and our brothers from the FLNKS [Kanak and Socialist National Liberation Front] — Vanuatu has waited 40 years to lead this organisation.

“Today, that wait ends,” it said.

It said Naupa’s appointment sends a clear message to every young ni-Vanuatu girl to “aspire for the best, because the highest offices in our region are within your reach”.

Inspiring new generation
Naupa’s leadership will inspire a new generation to dream bigger and serve boldly, it added.

The Vanuatu government said it holds immense confidence in Naupa’s capabilities, leadership, and integrity, and commended the MSG and the selection team for a transparent process “that has delivered the right leader for this moment”.

Vanuatu Prime Minister Jotham Napat congratulated Naupa.

“We know the MSG was born from struggle — its heart has always been the political aspirations of the Kanak people and the big issues facing Melanesia,” the Office of the Prime Minister’s statement said.

“Over the years the organisation has grown, expanding its focus to trade, sports, culture, and other areas of common interest that bind our nations. Vanuatu believes the success of the MSG under Dr Naupa’s leadership will depend on never losing sight of that founding spirit — solidarity, justice, and self-determination for our peoples.

“Anna, you carry not just a title, but the hopes of a region. You carry Vanuatu’s pride, Melanesia’s trust, and the spirit of Father Walter Lini’s vision.”

Naupa replaces Papua New Guinea’s Leonard Louma, who was appointed in February 2022 and finished his term in late 2024.

Solomon Islander Ilan Kiloe, who is the political and security affairs programme manager, was acting in the role following Louma’s departure.

The MSG Secretariat has not made any official announcements on Naupa’s appointment.

This story was first published on

Veteran activist John Minto gets $10,000 from NZ police after unlawful pro-Palestine arrest

APR editor — Wed, 17 Jun 2026 06:26:48 +0000

By Keiller MacDuff of RNZ

Police have paid $10,000 to veteran activist John Minto after he was unlawfully arrested and pepper-sprayed at a pro-Palestinian protest in Christchurch in 2024.

The Independent Police Conduct Authority (IPCA) last year found Minto’s arrest was unlawful and an officer used excessive and unjustified force.

The payout follows negotiations between police and Minto following the authority’s findings.

READ MORE: Other pro-Palestine protest reports

Palestine Solidarity Network Aotearoa (PSNA) national organiser Minto, then 70, was charged with obstructing and resisting police during a protest in Lyttelton on Waitangi Day 2024. Charges were later dropped.

Minto said he would donate the money to the group.

He said he was concerned police still disputed the authority’s findings.

A police investigation concluded the officer’s actions were lawful, but he had failed in his duty to provide aftercare after pepper-spraying Minto.

“I’m pleased this issue is now resolved but disturbed that even after the IPCA report, the police have not accepted responsibility for what in this instance was thuggish behaviour,” Minto said.

Writing to minister
He would write to Police Minister Mark Mitchell calling for law changes to make IPCA findings legally binding on police.

IPCA chair Judge Kenneth Johnston KC wrote to Minto last year and said the authority had found inconsistencies between the arresting officer’s account and video footage, which led the authority to “doubt the genuineness” of the officer’s version.

The authority did not accept the police explanation that Minto had moved from where he was standing or that the officer could have perceived Minto as a real threat.

Johnston said the authority considered the possibility of police charging the officer with assault, but could not rule out self-defence. Instead, the authority asked police to consider an employment process for the officer involved. Police declined to do so.

Minto was pepper-sprayed as police arrested another protester. Half an hour later he was himself arrested ostensibly for obstructing the earlier arrest.

The IPCA found there was no case for the obstruction charge and no grounds to suspect Minto had hindered the arrest of the other protester, “or indeed showed any intention of doing so”.

‘Standing lawfully’
“Our view is that you were standing lawfully on the footpath both prior and during the other protester’s arrest. The evidence does not show you advancing past where you were originally standing after being pushed by the officer who pepper sprayed you, and that you were not paying any attention to the arrest.”

Canterbury District Commander Superintendent Tony Hill said, at the time of the authority’s findings, that police were satisfied there were no employment or criminal matters to address.

“It is important to note that the officer involved was one of a group of other officers dealing with policing a large group of people, in a heightened and dynamic environment,” he said.

Police have been approached for comment on the payment to Minto.

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A world first: Australia will now investigate Israel over Gaza flotilla brutality

APR editor — Wed, 17 Jun 2026 01:14:56 +0000

The Australian government has committed to an independent investigation into the assaults, sexual assaults and torture of the Gaza Flotilla humanitarians. Michael West Media reports.

By Andrew Brown in Sydney

This is the biggest story most Australians have not yet grasped.

Australian survivors of physical, psychological and sexual abuse by Israeli authorities met with Foreign Minister Penny Wong, Dr Anne Aly MP, a Deputy Commissioner of the Australian Federal Police (AFP), and a senior DFAT official on Monday.

As a result, the Australian government has committed to an independent investigation into the assaults, sexual assaults and torture of the Gaza Flotilla humanitarians.

Read that again. Not an internal Israeli review. Not a department preparing a briefing note. Not a politician expressing concern.

An independent Australian investigation,

with the AFP at the table, into the conduct of the military and prison personnel of one of this country’s closest allies.

That is not normal. There is no comparable moment in the modern history of the relationship. A Western democracy, a reliable friend of Israel, has committed to formally investigating the Israeli state over what it did to that democracy’s own citizens.

That has not happened before. Anywhere.

Eleven Australians
The Australians were among humanitarian volunteers detained by Israel after attempting to deliver food, medicine and aid to starving civilians in Gaza. Eleven of them came home with allegations of physical abuse, assault and, in several cases, sexual assault.

And the investigation did not happen by accident. It happened because a handful of Australians refused to let it be buried.

Juliet Lamont and Neve O’Connor came home injured and traumatised, and instead of retreating into private recovery they kicked the door of the national conversation off its hinges. They put their names to sworn testimony. They sat through Senate estimates. They took their case to the International Criminal Court (ICC).

And when their own prime minister declined to meet them, Lamont’s response was devastating in its simplicity. If Australian survivors can be heard in The Hague but not in Canberra, something has gone badly wrong.

Today they were heard.

“We came here seeking justice for survivors of Israel’s abuse of Australian citizens,” Lamont said after the meeting. “Today we secured an Australian investigation. Believing survivors is the first step. Investigation is the second. Justice is the third.

“There must be consequences for Israel’s brutality.”

O’Connor put the stakes in their proper, global frame. “What happened to us is what Palestinians have been warning the world about for decades. The same methods. The same perpetrators. The same chain of command.

“This investigation matters not only because Australians were harmed. It matters because it exposes the nature of the state responsible.”

That is the heart of it. And it is why this is much bigger than 11 Australians and one flotilla.

French anti-terrorism prosecutors have opened a preliminary investigation into suspected “torture” and “war crimes” over Israel’s alleged mistreatment of French activists who took part in a Gaza-bound aid flotilla last month. Image: AJ screenshot APR

Will Israel cooperate?
A credible investigation will need operational footage, body camera recordings, communications records, detention logs, medical records and witness statements. Material capable of establishing exactly what happened.

And this is where Israel is trapped. There are only two paths, and both are damning.

It can cooperate. Hand over the footage, open the logs, produce the records, name the personnel. If its account is true, that material exonerates it completely. A government confident in its own conduct does not hide the evidence. It rushes to produce it.

Or it can refuse. And if it refuses, every Australian is entitled to ask one question. Why? Why would a state that insists it did nothing wrong withhold the one thing capable of proving it? There is only one honest answer, and Israel knows it. You do not bury evidence that vindicates you.

You bury evidence that convicts you.

This is established behaviour. When the United Nations investigated the 2010 Mavi Marmara raid, Israel refused to let its soldiers be interviewed and ran its own inquiry instead. The pattern is decades old. Deny everything, investigate nothing independently, wait for the world to lose interest.

Israel denies
Israel’s ambassador maintains that participants were treated appropriately. Its prison service has issued a flat denial.

Yet National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir posted footage of detained activists handcuffed and forced to crouch as guards waved Israeli flags in their faces, and called himself proud of it. Let the evidence speak. A state with nothing to hide would already be couriering the files to Canberra.

What makes this explosive is who is asking the questions. Australia is not Iran, not South Africa, not one of Israel’s usual critics. It has spent decades as one of Israel’s most dependable friends.

When a loyal friend opens a file on you, the findings carry a weight no critics ever could.

Remembering Zomi Frankcom
Australians remember Zomi Frankcom. When the aid worker was killed in Gaza, the government accepted an Israeli internal review where it should have demanded answers. That impression has not faded. This time the government has committed to something different,

and it will be held to it.

Penny Wong has told the Senate she believes the women, calling their treatment horrific and unacceptable. Today she went further and committed her government to act. The question is no longer whether the allegations are credible. It is what Australia does with what it finds.

Sanctions. Travel bans. And the bluntest instrument of all. Australia could expel Israel’s ambassador and declare implicated officials persona non grata, putting them on a plane.

A few years ago the idea was fantasy. It is now a live question, and it sharpens with every day Israel stonewalls.

Australia breaks ranks
Understand what is truly at stake. For decades Israel has acted in the settled expectation that it answers to no one, underwritten by the certainty that its Western friends would always look away.

That assumption is what is now on trial in Canberra. The moment a trusted ally follows the evidence wherever it leads, the spell breaks, and other capitals discover they can ask the question too.

This is why the world is watching a story that began with a few small boats.

The 11 Australians have names. Neve O’Connor, Juliet Lamont, Zack Schofield, Surya McEwen, Sam Woripa Watson, Anny Mokotow, Bianca Pullman Webb, Ethan Floyd, Violet Coco, Gemma O’Toole and Helen O’Sullivan. They are not going away.

The era of impunity rested on a single belief. That no friend would ever break ranks. A friend just did.

Asia Pacific Report notes: Three New Zealanders on the Global Sumud Flotilla had similar allegations of brutality and inhuman treatment by the Israeli security forces, along with more than 300 people from more that 40 countries. France has opened a ‘war crimes’ investigation into Israel after the brutality.

Andrew Brown is a Sydney businessman in the health products sector, former Deputy Mayor of Mosman and Palestine peace activist. This article was first published by Michael West Media and is republished with permission.

Calls to dismantle joint taskforce rejected by Fiji govt despite brutality allegations

APR editor — Tue, 16 Jun 2026 10:11:14 +0000

By Kaya Selby of RNZ Pacific

A human rights activist in Fiji is calling for the joint police-military taskforce on drugs to be disbanded, but the Fijian government says it does not support the call.

It comes as the military revealed more than 60 witnesses have been spoken to in an investigation into the death of Jone Vakarisi, The Fiji Times reported.

Police have classified Vakarisi’s death as murder after the Republic of Fiji Military Forces had initially claimed that the notorious figure known to law enforcement had died of pre-existing conditions.

READ MORE: Other Fiji police brutality reports

Exactly two months have passed since his death and so far no one has been charged, but the Policing Ministry released a statement over the weekend, saying that the investigation into Vakarisi’s alleged murder was nearing completion.

It is also over a week since another man from a suburb about 15 minutes from the capital Suva, Sakiasi Ose Radravu, passed away following what his family says was a raid.

The raid resulted in an alleged severe beating and torture by police and military officers, which the family alleges led to Radravu’s death weeks later, though police claim a post-mortem links the death to a pre-existing condition.

This raid took place around the same time as Vakarisi’s alleged murder in a military cell. The official Fiji police post-mortem report released on June 6 stated that Radravu’s death was linked to a pre-existing medical condition.

Investigation nearly complete
“The independent investigation into the death of Mr Jone Vakarisi is nearing completion, while investigations into the death of Mr Sakiasi Radravu remain ongoing. These investigations must be allowed to proceed thoroughly, independently, and without prejudice,” Fiji’s Ministry of Policing and Communications said in a statement on Saturday, June 13.

The ministry said the joint police-military operations were making a real difference in disrupting illicit drug networks.

“Government does not support calls to terminate the Joint Police-Military Operations. However, operational success can never excuse human rights violations. Joint operations must continue lawfully, professionally, and with full accountability.”

Four police officers have been placed on leave while eight others are being investigated.

Police also confirmed over the weekend the Radravu family’s allegation that a military officer had instigated the raid.

Fiji Women’s Crisis Centre (FWCC) chief executive Shamima Ali claims that the security forces may be responsible — this year alone — for two deaths and countless more injuries.

“This [is] a historic pattern that is being repeated, whether it’s the police [or] the military,” she told RNZ Pacific.

“We need to know who are the people doing the investigations — we actually call for an independent investigation,” Ali said.

‘Not hard to find out’
“Two people have died, and where and what seems to be quite clear, so it’s not that hard to find out who [the perpetrators] are.”

Last week, Amnesty International also called for the suspension of implicated officers and the dismantling of the joint taskforce.

Ali said as a result of increased military involvement, and a diminishing degree of police transparency, it has become harder to advocate and protect the most vulnerable.

“Even with us at the Crisis Centre, we are having so many difficulties in bringing to light cases of rape, wife assault … [due to] the lack of knowledge, the lack of transparency, and so on.

“If Fiji had a robust, well-trained police force — that is what they are there for — we would not need the military to interfere.”

But unlike in the past, Ali noted the role of social media, where both the Vakarisi and Radravu cases emerged in the public consciousness.

“People are talking a lot more, and people are becoming a lot more aware of when a young, particularly Fijian, is being taken into custody.”

This story was first published on

Stuff stuns with ‘bold’ call on new Post editor

APR editor — Mon, 15 Jun 2026 03:21:23 +0000

ANALYSIS: By Colin Peacock of RNZ Mediawatch

Change is a constant in the tough world of digital-age news media these days and many old ways have fallen by the wayside.

But the appointment of Matthew Hooton, someone outside journalism — and also one of this country’s bluntest critics of it — to edit a major media outlet, The Post, is a first for New Zealand.

Likewise, handing the editorial reins to a former professional lobbyist.

The New Zealand Herald’s Media Insider reported the same response from two unnamed separate unnamed sources: “What the f***?”

The response may have been similar at The Herald, for whom Hooton currently writes a weekly column.

The Post says Hooton will give up his strategic consulting but his past work at his Exceltium company — on behalf of clients mostly unknown to the public — will inevitably raise suspicions of conflict of interest.

So will his past ties to the political right.

The Post today notes: “Hooton’s CV includes being a Young Nat, a press secretary in the Bolger Government, a strategist for National during the Don Brash years … an adviser for ACT, a strategic consultant for iwi, banks, most corporate sectors, government departments, and the ultra rich — and a short-lived stint as [Auckland mayor] Wayne Brown’s adviser.”

Prominent pundit
Hooton was also prominent pundit in various media, including RNZ — until he withdrew from commentary after controversially backing a doomed National Party leadership bid in 2018 without declaring his own involvement in it.

That too will cause some to question whether his loyalties and editorial judgment could compromise The Post’s coverage.

Stuff boss Sinead Boucher . . . she insists Hooton knows the role of an editor is very different from a columnist. Image: RNZ/Nick Monro

At the time, Hooton told RNZ Mediawatch he was “possibly one of the few political commentators” who clearly and proactively disclosed conflicts to editors.

“Commentary from people with historic involvement in politics and friends currently in politics . . . leads to a better informed public,” he insisted in 2018.

It’s an argument Stuff’s top brass now endorses.

“Few people understand power in New Zealand as well as Matthew does,” Stuff’s owner and CEO Sinead Boucher said in a statement which also made it clear she shoulder-tapped Hooton for the role.

It’s also a move that only makes sense in the context of Boucher’s recent re-invention of The Post as a newspaper and a “masthead” website for subscribers that zeroes in on national issues and politics.

The Post’s current business, economics and political editor — Luke Malpass — will become Hooton’s associate editor.

What are the risks? And rewards?
Claims of “left-leaning bias” directed at the media today may flip to claims of influence from the right at The Post, given Hooton’s past associations and opinions.

Hooton lauded Post journalists as “some of the most disciplined, fair and focused journalists in the country” in a statement today. Sinead Boucher also insisted he has “a clear understanding of the critical role independent journalism plays.”

But Post staff will need to be convinced.

In 2017, Hooton told RNZ the media “had decided to change the government” and called coverage of the 2017 election campaign “inaccurate”.

“New Zealand media is very dominated now by people who live in Auckland central and Wellington central. We’ve seen a very urban, liberal, under-40, probably female perspective of the election,” he told RNZ Nine to Noon.

And while Matthew Hooton understands “Wellington” in terms of power and politics, he isn’t a local.

The Post is a Wellington paper, printed in Christchurch and edited in Auckland. It’s not known whether Hooton will stay based in Auckland.

Forcefully-expressed opinions
The Post still has many rusted-on long-term customers who still expect the “paper” they’ve bought for decades to report local news and issues as well as national politics.

Hooton made a media name for himself with forcefully-expressed opinions, but surveys of trust in news routinely report that the public think there’s too much opinion in our media — and that it is blended with facts too often.

Stuff boss Sinead Boucher insisted Hooton knows the role of an editor is very different from a columnist — and he will abide by its code of ethics.

On the possibility of connections with power making it harder to hold power to account, Boucher told The Post: “There may be some discussion about that, but the proof will be in the pudding.”

She will also be aware some will be suspicious of her bold change to the recipe.

This story was first published on

Trump’s fishing decision threatens Pacific communities, NGO warns

APR editor — Mon, 15 Jun 2026 02:29:19 +0000

By Mark Rabago of RNZ Pacific

A conservation group has condemned Donald Trump’s decision to allow commercial fishing in parts of the Mariana Trench Marine National Monument.

US President Trump signed an executive order on June 11 opening protected waters around Hawai’i, American Samoa and the Northern Marianas.

It totals nearly 1.3 million sq km of protected Pacific waters for commercial fishing.

READ MORE: Other Mariana Trench reports

Trump claims appropriately managed fishing will not put these areas at any risk.

In a statement, the Friends of the Mariana Trench said this threatened Pacific communities, cultural heritage, and local stewardship of the ocean.

It said the move undermined protections that were established to safeguard waters important to the Chamorro and Refaluwasch people.

“True conservation requires persistence. Since 2007, our advocacy for the Mariana Trench has been unyielding, and it will remain so,” the group said.

Standing in solidarity
“We stand in solidarity with Pacific communities whose cultural heritage is currently being eroded by the Trump administration-from the access granted to commercial vessels in sacred areas, to the leasing of our seabed for deep-sea mining and the threats of nuclear waste.”

The group said waters that were set aside to honour traditional fishing practices were now being “sacrificed for industrial gain”.

“While this is a significant setback, our fight for healthy oceans and the communities that depend on them is far from over.”

The statement was signed by board members Sheila Babauta, Franco Santos, Tina Sablan, Ignacio Cabrera, Angelo Villagomez, Romana Chong and Kina Rangamar.

Trump’s proclamation removes monument-based prohibitions on commercial fishing in the Islands Unit of the Mariana Trench Marine National Monument, as well as portions of marine monuments in Hawai’i and American Samoa.

The administration said existing federal fisheries laws and environmental protections provide sufficient safeguards for marine resources while allowing greater economic activity.

The proclamation argues that commercial fishing can be sustainably managed under the Magnuson-Stevens Fishery Conservation and Management Act, as well as other federal laws protecting endangered species, marine mammals, habitats, and ocean resources.

White House signing
The action came after CNMI’s delegate to the US Congress, Kimberlyn King-Hinds, attended the White House signing ceremony.

She said any implementation must involve local fishermen, the CNMI government, scientists, environmental stakeholders, and the wider community.

“The CNMI respects the Mariana Trench Marine National Monument and the environmental importance of the waters around our islands,” King-Hinds said.

“At the same time, the people who live closest to these waters should have a meaningful voice in how they are managed.”

King-Hinds said the proclamation creates a path for American fishing activity under existing federal law while keeping science-based management and conservation requirements in place.

The proclamation limits commercial fishing within monument boundaries to US-flagged vessels, although permits may be issued for foreign-flagged vessels transporting fish harvested by American fishermen.

This story was first published on

Eugene Doyle: Why I’ll be marching for global peace on June 20

APR editor — Sun, 14 Jun 2026 04:02:02 +0000

COMMENTARY: By Eugene Doyle

Anti-War Aotearoa and Greenpeace are calling on Kiwis to join the March for Peace on June 20 in Auckland. I will be marching.

I will be marching for many of the same reasons that compelled me to march against the Vietnam war in 1973 as a 12-year old — opposition to New Zealand participation in wars of aggression, solidarity with humanity and a belief that peace trumps war.

Soon after that first march, I attended my first rallies outside the South African Consulate in Wellington to protest the Apartheid regime.

When history calls, you should answer the call
Two years later, as a 16-year-old, I marched on the final leg of the Te Hīkoi o te Motu, the Māori Land March led by the great Whina Cooper.

I vividly remember heading out into Wellington harbour in 1983 on a small yacht, part of a peace flotilla made up of kayakers, yachties and wind surfers, that tried to stop the USS Texas from berthing.

It won that battle that day but we won the war for a nuclear-free New Zealand.

Peace and Justice were the beating heart of all those causes. It was about ordinary New Zealanders standing up and saying: Not in Our Name.

We didn’t want our soldiers killing Vietnamese people in Vietnam. We didn’t want our government or our sports people to support the racist South African regime.

We wanted to live in a New Zealand that honoured the Treaty of Waitangi and where both Māori and Pākehā stood shoulder-to-shoulder to build a better country for all New Zealanders.

The election of Norman Kirk’s government was made possible by the protest movement convincing enough New Zealanders that real change was needed. One of the Kirk government’s first acts was to end our shameful participation in the Vietnam war.

We mobilised. We marched
After the sinking of Greenpeace’s Rainbow Warrior by the French government in Auckland Harbour in 1985, the peace movement went into overdrive. We mobilised. We marched. We took part in campaigns that drove real societal change.

Many of these changes reach down to the present day through legislation like the New Zealand Nuclear Free Zone, Disarmament, and Arms Control Act 1987, the 1985 revision to The Treaty of Waitangi Act, the Conservation Act 1987, the State-Owned Enterprises Act 1986 (that means the Crown must act in a manner consistent with the principles of the Treaty of Waitangi), and the Homosexual Law Reform Act 1986.

Several of these gains are now under threat.

Marching for peace is a great way to show solidarity and to bring together great everyday New Zealanders.

As a side note: the greatest march I ever went on was the Wellington section of Te Hīkoi mō te Tiriti in 2024. Toitū Te Tiriti! It was as big a march as I ever attended in Aotearoa and it was for a cause that should matter deeply to us all.

No one should doubt that getting out and marching is also part of a process — sometimes long and hard — that can lead to powerful changes in national sentiment and put real pressure on political parties to return the country’s policy settings towards justice and a better, kinder, safer Aotearoa.

The organisers of the March for Peace are Greenpeace and Anti-War Aotearoa. They are united around respect for the United Nations Charter and rejection of any support whatsoever for US wars of aggression. I am proud to be counted in their numbers.

The March for Peace logo for June 20. Image: Greenpeace

Gaza genocide ongoing
The genocide in Gaza and the West Bank has not stopped. The destruction of the communities of Lebanon is ongoing. The sovereign state of Iran is the subject of ongoing US-Israeli aggression in contravention of international law. Cuba is in danger.

We live under a government that has doubled spending on a war machine that — given our alliance with a rogue and hostile USA — will not make us safer. Global research shows the US is seen as the greatest risk to humanity today.

We live under a government that wants our military to be “interoperable” with the Americans. They are negotiating with the US to give their war machine access to our critical minerals and allow foreign corporations to undertake seabed mining and other environmentally damaging activities.

We live under a government that has money for missiles but ignores the daily horror that 30,000 homeless New Zealand children must endure. Scrapping national subsidies for youth transport and getting rid of thousands of public service jobs whilst finding more and more money for a war on China is madness.

That needs to change. I feel exactly the same passion as I did as a 12-year-old whose political awakening was the US (and New Zealand) war of aggression against Vietnam — even if, at the time, I wasn’t exactly sure what the word “mobilisation” meant!

If you haven’t marched for a long time or if you have never marched but support this cause, here’s my invitation: head down to Aotea Square on June 20 and step forward to March for Peace.

Because marching matters.

Eugene Doyle is a writer based in Wellington, New Zealand. He has written extensively on the Middle East, as well as peace and security issues in the Asia Pacific region. He is a contributor to Asia Pacific Report and hosts solidarity.co.nz . This article was first published by Greenpeace Aotearoa.

Caitlin Johnstone: The world’s first trillionaire is not your friend

APR editor — Sun, 14 Jun 2026 00:32:29 +0000

COMMENTARY: By Caitlin Johnstone

It’s so pathetic watching Elon Musk’s groveling bootlickers fall all over themselves on social media to defend their favorite oligarch from criticism as he becomes the world’s first trillionaire.

They’re like “Don’t be mean to the trillionaire, just become a trillionaire yourself! All you need is luck, connections, wealthy parents, the ruthlessness to step on anyone who gets in your way, and a willingness to cooperate with murderous imperial institutions like the Pentagon and the CIA!”

Elon Musk is a military-industrial complex plutocrat who is balls deep in the US intelligence cartel and recently facilitated the US-Israeli attempted regime change operation in Iran.

You have infinitely more in common with the average person in Iran, Cuba, Lebanon or Palestine than you have with the world’s first trillionaire.

It’s so gross how many fawning admirers this freak still has. The trillionaire is not your friend.

❖

People who say “Zionism is just the belief that Jews should have a homeland” are hilarious. Zionism isn’t some abstraction; we can all see its material manifestations with our own eyes. We can all see that Zionism means genocide, apartheid, and nonstop wars and abuse.

This isn’t some kind of theoretical debate where we all get to have our own opinions about what Zionism is and what it entails. It’s 2026, not 1890. The facts are in and the case is closed, kids. This is what Zionism is. This is the only Zionism in existence. What you see is what you get. And what you see is quantifiably one of the most evil things happening on our planet.

❖

Some guy told me, “Why are you fine with the existence of approximately 50 Islamic nation-states, but the single Jewish one is apparently too many?”

I showed him an illustration of a nail stuck in somebody’s foot and said, “Why are you fine with an entire foot made of flesh, but a single metal spike is too much? The only possible explanation is that you have a seething hatred of metal. It can’t possibly be that you object to a foreign object being violently forced into a region where it does damage.”

He got upset and wound up telling me he hopes I get murdered by Mossad.

❖

Hasbara is so gross because it’s just Zionists throwing walls of language at you to convince you you’re not seeing what you’re seeing.

You see raw video footage of the most horrifying thing imaginable in Gaza, and then you see them in the replies going “This is actually fine and normal because words words words words words words words.”

You see a news report about Israel doing something astonishingly evil in Lebanon, and there they are underneath it going “There’s actually a lot more to the story because words words words words words words words.”

You see some far right Israeli minister spouting nakedly genocidal rhetoric, and they’re swarming all over it saying “Well this isn’t actually what it looks like because words words words words words words words.”

You see every major human rights group on earth saying Israel is guilty of genocide and apartheid, and they’re running around frantically telling you it’s a giant conspiracy to frame Israel and the truth is that words words words words words words words.

You see more and more mainstream news institutions reporting on the mountains of evidence of widespread rape and torture in Israeli prisons, and they saturate the airwaves claiming it’s an antisemitic blood libel because words words words words words words words.

The idea is to just pound your intellect with a firehose of verbiage until your inner sensemaker has been shredded and you’re too confused to form a coherent picture of what’s actually going on. It’s a disgusting, abusive, and profoundly unethical thing to do to people.

But the good news is it’s not working anymore. Language is immensely powerful, but its power has its limits. Israel’s behavior has become so transparently unacceptable that no amount of word magic can manipulate people into seeing anything other than what’s happening in front of their face.

Caitlin Johnstone is an Australian independent journalist and poet. Her articles include The UN Torture Report On Assange Is An Indictment Of Our Entire Society. She publishes a website and Caitlin’s Newsletter. This article is republished with permission.

Alifereti Sakiasi: The geopolitical battle for Pacific media narratives

Pacific Media Watch — Sat, 13 Jun 2026 02:00:30 +0000

COMMENTARY: By Alifereti Sakiasi in Suva

The contest for influence in the Pacific is no longer confined to diplomacy, aid projects or infrastructure.

Increasingly, it is being waged through information, media and communications networks.

A recent report, Understanding China’s Footprint in the Pacific Island Media Landscape, paints a picture of a region where newsrooms are under financial pressure, audiences are migrating online and foreign powers are competing to shape narratives.

The findings are drawn from a major study conducted by researchers from the Washington DC-based Centre for Naval Analyses (CNA), a United States non-profit organisation specialising in security, strategic and public policy issues.

The report examined media systems and China’s engagement across 15 Pacific Island countries and territories between 2024 and 2025 through fieldwork, interviews and consultations with media practitioners, academics and policymakers.

The report was launched during a virtual panel discussion on May 20, 2026, featuring presentations by CNA researchers Heidi Holz, Genevieve Collins, John Mahoney and Darlene Onuorah.

They were joined by regional academics Dr Shailendra Singh, associate professor and head of journalism at the University of the South Pacific, and Professor Stephen Noakes, head of politics and international relations at the University of Auckland.

Broader questions
While the report focuses on China’s growing media footprint, it also raises broader questions about the future of journalism, media independence and information sovereignty in Pacific Island countries.

For Fiji, the findings are particularly significant. As one of the region’s largest media markets and a diplomatic hub for the Pacific, Fiji has become a focal point for Chinese engagement through media partnerships, journalist exchanges and government-to-government cooperation.

The report also argues that media organisations across the Pacific are facing some of the most challenging operating conditions in decades.

Researchers found widespread concerns about declining newspaper circulation, shrinking advertising revenues and the growing dominance of social media platforms. One Pacific media practitioner described the situation as “the worst in history” for the region’s media industry, while another said many newsrooms had become a “revolving door” because journalists frequently leave for better-paying jobs.

The report warns that these financial pressures are creating vulnerabilities that external actors can exploit through media assistance, training programmes and content partnerships, making media sustainability not only an economic issue but increasingly a geopolitical one.

At the same time, researchers concluded that China’s overall influence remains limited compared with the longstanding reach and credibility of Australian and New Zealand media organisations.

The report has sparked wider discussion among Pacific media leaders about foreign aid, editorial independence and the long-term sustainability of journalism in the region.

Support for democracy
Dr Singh argues that aid to the media sector is often portrayed as support for democracy and media freedom, but is also shaped by geopolitics, donor interests and soft power.

“Even media aid comes with strings attached, regardless of who the donor is or what they claim,” he said.

According to Dr Singh, the Pacific’s media crisis is not new. The region continues to experience high levels of journalist attrition, while journalism schools that train future reporters receive little attention from major donor-funded media programmes.

He argues that much of the support provided to the media sector is driven by strategic interests rather than long-term capacity building.

Dr Singh’s assessment mirrors one of the CNA report’s central observations — that foreign interest in Pacific media is increasingly being shaped by strategic competition, particularly concerns over China’s growing influence in the region.

Fiji Media Association general secretary Stanley Simpson says the issue is less about who is offering support and more about whether that support responds to the needs of Pacific media organisations.

“Too much ‘let’s help ourselves and give more money to ourselves so we can help the Pacific’ and not enough ‘let’s work with Pacific media so they can help themselves and be our partner’,” he said.

Inconsistent support
Simpson was responding to an article by Australian journalism academic Professor Alexandra Wake of RMIT University, who argued that Australia risks weakening its soft-power influence through inconsistent support for international broadcasting and regional journalism initiatives.

Dr Wake contended that trusted news services remain critical to regional stability, particularly as misinformation spreads and other powers expand their influence.

However, Simpson says the issue is not simply the amount of funding available, but where it is directed.

“We are looking for real funding and support that makes a difference,” he said.

“Not one-sided funding which seems to help Australian organisations more than Fijians.”

He argues that Fiji media organisations have repeatedly sought practical assistance such as cameras, editing equipment, software and broadcast technology, but have often been offered training programmes instead.

His comments highlight a recurring theme in the debate over media aid in the Pacific. While Australia remains one of the region’s most trusted media partners through the ABC and programs such as PACMAS, there is continuing discussion over whether media assistance is sufficiently aligned with Pacific priorities.

Simply struggling
For all the discussion about foreign influence, many Pacific media organisations are simply struggling to survive.

The CNA report notes that declining revenues, digital disruption and staffing shortages have weakened media resilience throughout the region. These challenges were compounded by the covid-19 pandemic and continue to affect both commercial and public-interest journalism.

Dr Singh says this financial pressure helps explain why Pacific organisations increasingly engage with a range of development partners.

While Australia is understandably reluctant to create dependency, he argues that Pacific media systems operate in small markets where economies of scale do not exist and long-term support remains necessary.

To illustrate the situation, Dr Singh cited veteran Tongan publisher and Pacific Islands News Association president Kalafi Moala.

“When you are drowning, you will grab at any hand that is outstretched. You don’t care whether it is China, Australia or America.”

That sentiment may help explain why China’s media engagement efforts have attracted increasing attention.

Digital media
According to the CNA report, China has expanded media cooperation agreements, journalist exchanges, training programmes and diplomatic engagement throughout the Pacific. Fiji has featured prominently in these efforts, including agreements on digital media cooperation and journalist training.

At the same time, the report concludes that Chinese state media outlets still have relatively limited reach among Pacific audiences. Broadcasters such as Australia’s ABC and New Zealand’s RNZ remain among the most trusted international news providers in the region.

Trust, however, cannot be taken for granted.

Simpson argues that Pacific media organisations demonstrated resilience during Fiji’s years of political restrictions and economic hardship, often with limited international support.

“When we were being beaten, threatened and censored, and almost closing down due to political and economic pressure, where was Australian support for the Fiji media?” he asked.

The question challenges traditional development partners to consider whether support for Pacific media has always matched their stated commitment to democratic values and press freedom.

Broader geopolitical contest
As the CNA report makes clear, Pacific media organisations now find themselves at the centre of a broader geopolitical contest.

Foreign governments will continue to compete for influence and aid priorities will continue to be shaped by strategic interests. Yet for Pacific journalists confronting shrinking revenues, digital disruption and rising public expectations, the more pressing issue is sustainability.

The real challenge is not who provides support, but whether that support genuinely strengthens Pacific media organisations, protects editorial independence and helps ensure they remain accountable to the communities they serve.

Alifereti Sakiasi is a journalist with The Fiji Times. Based in Suva, he primarily contributes to The Sunday Times, where he covers a wide array of human interest, social, cultural, and sports events. This article is republished from The Fiji Times with permission.

New Caledonia’s political parties finalise line-up for provincial elections

APR editor — Fri, 12 Jun 2026 05:05:56 +0000

By Patrick Decloitre of RNZ Pacific

New Caledonia’s political parties are now in marching order to contest the upcoming local provincial elections scheduled to be held in just over a fortnight.

The French High Commission has published an initial list of 24 political groupings are running for a seat in New Caledonia’s three provincial assemblies (North, South and the outer Loyalty Islands).

The list is subject to final verification before the upcoming polls on June 28.

In New Caledonia’s Southern province, there are 40 seats to be filled.

After the provincial level poll, 32 will be entitled to sit at New Caledonia’s Congress.

The Southern province’s candidates, which is traditionally a pro-France stronghold, will include a “Strong and United” list headed by incumbent Provincial president and pro-France leader, Sonia Backès.

The list includes leaders from several of the main components of the pro-France camp: Backès’s Les Loyalistes, Virginie Ruffenach’s Le Rassemblement-LR and New Caledonia’s MP in the French National Assembly, Nicolas Metzdorf’s Génération NC.

Economy minister and mayors
It also includes current local government Economy Minister Christopher Gygès, as well as pro-France mayors of Greater Nouméa cities of Dumbéa and Mont-Dore (Cynthia Jan and Nina Julié).

24 party lists presented for the Kanaky New Caledonia provincial elections on June 28. Video: Caledonia TV

On the pro-independence side, one of its main components, the FLNKS (Kanak and Socialist National Liberation Front) is presenting a “Kanaky for Everyone” (Kanaky Pour Tous or KPT) list headed by a young politician, Johanito Wamytan.

The list also includes Union Calédonienne secretary general Dominique Fochi.

Other pro-independence parties are the Labour Party, the Rassemblement Démocratique Océanien or the Mouvement des Océaniens Indépendantistes.

In the pro-independence movement, but separate from the FLNKS, another list “Unis pour le Pays” (United for the Country) is headed by Louis Mapou, a former New Caledonian government president.

The list is presented by the “UNI” (Union Nationale pour l’ Indépendance) political group, which mainly consists of pro-independence PALIKA and UPM (Union Progressiste en Mélanésie).

Both PALIKA and UPM broke away from the FLNKS group in August 2024, citing diverging views regarding New Caledonia’s independence process.

The breakdown of representation in New Caledonia’s provincial elections on June 28. Image: Congres de la Nouvelle-Calédonie

Rise of ‘non-partisan’ parties
But in the Southern Province, as well as in the two others, this year’s provincial elections are marked by a perceived strong emergence from parties which identify themselves neither in the main pro-France nor pro-independence blocks.

Some of those non-radical groups prefer to describe themselves as belonging to a “non-partisan” or civil society” movement.

Wallisian-based Éveil Océanien, which first emerged at the previous provincial elections in 2019, is presenting a list conducted by its leader Milakulo Tukumuli.

He is leading a list dubbed “Un autre monde est possible!” (Another world is possible).

His second co-list is the New Caledonia’s Congress president Veylma Falaeo.

Several parties and lists are running for the first time: one of those is called “Une province pour tous, un pays solidaire, un avenir partagé” (A province for everyone, a country in solidarity, a shared future).

It is headed by former journalist and media personality Walles Kotra, with the support of incumbent Senator for New Caledonia, Georges Naturel and incumbent environment minister Jérémie Katidjo-Monnier.

A former leading figure of Calédonie Ensemble party, pro-France Philippe Dunoyer is now heading another list called “Nous, Réunis !” (Us, united).

Common pragmatic themes
Some of the common themes to most of these “middle” parties are the notions of pragmatism, away from the polarising arguments, a priority for the restoration of the ailing local post-riots economy and the provide pragmatic assistance to a population still reeling from the social and economic devastation caused by the violent riots that shook New Caledonia in May 2024.

In the Northern Province, its incumbent president and veteran pro-independence politician Paul Néaoutyine has decided to run for another term at the helm of the local assembly, which he has been holding since 1999.

He is the front man of the “UNI” list.

In the same contest, he is running against the FLNKS-Union Calédonienne group headed by Houaïlou city Mayor Pascal Sawa also including FLNKS figures such as Pierre Chanel Tutugoro and territorial government minister Gilbert Tyuienon.

A pro-France list is also headed by Vanessa Wacapo.

Other “middle” lists are based around the theme of “country-building” and controlling public spending while reducing red tape.

New Caledonia’s Congress consists of 54 members:

Northern Province (22 assembly seats; 15 Congress seats)
Southern Province (40 assembly seats; 32 Congress seats)
Loyalty Islands Province (14 assembly seats; 7 Congress seats)

Single round
The provincial elections are held at a single round, under a general rule of proportional representation.

The makeup of the proportionally representative Congress will be known after the 28 June provincial elections.

From the new Congress, a “collegial” government for New Caledonia and its president will then emerge.

This story was first published on

Israel’s rampant ethnic cleansing of West Bank Palestinian communities

APR editor — Fri, 12 Jun 2026 05:00:57 +0000

Amnesty International

What is happening right now is [the] erasure of humans, trees and stones, and anything that is Palestinian, by settlers under the support of the military.

— Muntasir al-Maliki, a resident of Kufr Malik

Palestinian Bedouins lived for generations in the occupied West Bank village of Khirbet Zanuta (Zanuta), sustaining themselves through herding, farming and dairy production.

The village was designated as part of Area C under the 1995 Oslo II Accords, placing it under full Israeli military and administrative control.

Today, Zanuta is being eaten away by Israeli outposts and settlements and destroyed by state-sponsored violence and terror.

Just 1km from Zanuta, Israeli settlers established an illegal outpost known as Meitarim Farm in 2021.

The settlers soon began a sustained campaign of violent attacks and threats against Zanuta’s residents.

They set fire to the villagers’ tents and classrooms, broke into their homes, beat them with rifles, threw stones at them, smashed their solar panels and windows, emptied their water tanks and pumped sewage onto their farmland.

Ruins in Zanuta following the village’s destruction by settlers. Meitarim Farm is pictured in the background, on the overlooking hill. Image: Amnesty International

The story of Zanuta reflects the fate of dozens of Palestinian Bedouin and herding communities already displaced or at imminent risk of displacement in Area C.

This report lays bare the scale and severity of the ethnic cleansing campaign targeting these communities, carried out in a context of apartheid and unlawful occupation and against the backdrop of an ongoing genocide in the occupied Gaza Strip.

The report also demonstrates — contrary to what too many in the international community suggest — that the campaign is not the product of “rogue” settlers, settlers’ organisations or “extremist” government ministers.

In other words, settler violence is not an aberration but an integral part of an organised state policy.

“Erasing Anything Palestinian” . . . the Amnesty International report

The escalating violence in Zanuta followed decades of systematic discrimination by the Israeli authorities, including constant threats of home demolitions to force them to leave, a common practice adopted by Israel to enforce its system of apartheid.

Zanuta’s residents repeatedly reported settler attacks to the Israeli police, seeking protection, but no action was ever taken.

When the settlers from Meitarim Farm again raided the village on 21 October 2023, this time accompanied by Israeli forces, and threatened to harm residents if they did not leave, the community knew they had no choice but to flee.

In a rare move, in July 2024 and February 2025, Israel’s Supreme Court ordered the police and military to facilitate the community’s return and protect residents from attacks.

The Israeli police and military ignored both rulings. Every attempt by residents to return was met with continued settler violence and the acquiescence of Israeli forces.

Digital evidence, interviews and satellite imagery from 30 March 2025 confirm the outcome: Zanuta no longer exists — it has been forcibly depopulated and extensively destroyed.

Meanwhile, the settlers received state backing to intensify their violent campaign. In April 2025, two Israeli ministers — Bezalel Smotrich and Orit Strock — held an event at Meitarim Farm where they distributed 19 state-funded all-terrain vehicles (ATVs), cameras and night-vision equipment to settlers living in outposts in the Hebron area.

Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich explained why:

“The heroic and pioneering settlers who live here are doing Zionism, and they need security… We are here to build with them and to settle the land…”

… while praising settler land seizures and emphasising the role of ATVs in taking over Palestinian grazing land.

The report demonstrates that the ethnic cleansing campaign in Area C is state-sanctioned, state-driven and state-implemented; it seeks to accelerate the Israeli government’s annexation agenda and settlement expansion through war crimes and crimes against humanity.

As such, the report’s conclusions demand that the international community fully confront and name the Israeli state-driven project, and act decisively to prevent the destruction of Palestinian communities and the annexation of the West Bank.

Amnesty International’s legal analysis
Zanuta is one of 117 predominantly Bedouin and herding Palestinian communities in the occupied West Bank that have faced either full or partial displacement due to settler attacks and related access restrictions between January 2023 and April 2026, according to the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA).

In total, approximately 5910 people were forced to leave their homes, leaving behind them vast, depopulated areas. Most of the affected communities lie in Area C, which comprises over 60 percent of the West Bank, and has been central to Israel’s territorial and demographic quest for domination for decades because of its natural resources, vital grazing and agricultural land and small Palestinian population.

In late December 2022, Benjamin Netanyahu’s Likud party formed Israel’s 37th government in coalition with two ultra nationalist and religious political parties.

While state-supported settler violence has been a growing concern over the past three decades for Palestinian communities in the West Bank, there has been an unprecedented surge in the scale and intensity of attacks since then.

Tactics became particularly aggressive after 7 October 2023 when Hamas and other Palestinian armed groups attacked southern Israel, killing approximately 1200 people, mostly civilians, and forcibly taking 251 others to the Gaza Strip where they were held as hostages and subjected to abuses.

Amnesty International found that these acts constituted war crimes and crimes against humanity.

In response, Israel launched a military offensive on the occupied Gaza Strip of unparalleled magnitude, scale and duration and inflicted catastrophic levels of destruction, displacement and starvation on Gaza’s civilian population, committing genocide against Palestinians in the Gaza Strip.

While most global attention focused on Gaza, Israel intensified its abusive policies and practices against Palestinians in the occupied West Bank, with government officials openly encouraging and supporting settler attacks.

Displacement and dispossession: war crimes and crimes against humanity
Ideologically motivated Israeli settlers have terrorised Palestinian communities through repeated raids on their homes and villages, beatings, death threats demanding they leave, persistent harassment, the destruction of property and village infrastructure, cutting off access to water and electricity, and theft of their livestock and belongings.

These practices deliberately intensified an already coercive environment aimed at forcibly displacing and dispossessing Palestinians, manifested in state policies of access restrictions, home demolitions and settlement expansion. Palestinians who have attempted to return have found their villages fenced off or destroyed, or have faced renewed settler attacks, harassment and intimidation, forcing them to flee again.

These settler attacks are the direct result of a state policy that integrated and enabled the settler movement’s vision of “Greater Israel”, an ideology that treats the area extending from the Mediterranean Sea to the Jordan River, including the entirety of the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT), as an integral part of Israel.

Senior Israeli officials in the 37th government have fully embraced this vision and explicitly encouraged, facilitated and condoned settler violence against Bedouin and herding communities as a deliberate tool of displacement with greater openness and force than their predecessors, as they pursued their goal of formally annexing the West Bank under Israeli law.

Since 1967, Israel has been enforcing its occupation through military orders and regulations.

The situation in the OPT, including in Area C of the West Bank, is therefore primarily governed by international humanitarian law (including the rules of the law of occupation); and international human rights law. The same international norms apply to occupied East Jerusalem, illegally annexed by Israel since 1967, despite Israel’s attempts to separate it from the rest of the West Bank through a regime of fragmentation and legal segregation.

In this report, Amnesty International presents conclusive evidence that these violations, perpetrated between January 2023 and December 2025, amount to the war crime of unlawful deportation and transfer and the crime against humanity of forcible transfer or deportation, committed as part of a policy to ethnically cleanse Area C of the occupied West Bank by forcibly displacing Palestinian Bedouin and herding communities and expanding illegal settlements at their expense.

Amnesty International uses the term ethnic cleansing in this report to describe a deliberate pattern of conduct aimed at permanently removing Palestinian Bedouin and herding communities from specific areas of the occupied West Bank, in particular Area C.

While ethnic cleansing is not recognised as an independent crime under international law, Amnesty International uses the term in line with the UN Commission of Experts on Former Yugoslavia’s definition, which describes it as “a purposeful policy designed by one ethnic or religious group to remove by violent and terror-inspiring means the civilian population of another ethnic or religious group from certain geographic areas”.

While this report covers the period between December 2022 and December 2025, these egregious crimes are ongoing and are part and parcel of Israel’s system of apartheid, as shown by Amnesty International’s continuous documentation and reporting of the situation on the ground.

Read the full Amnesty International report

Trump’s World Cup — no sportwashing, a platform for supporting peoples’ struggles

APR editor — Thu, 11 Jun 2026 17:00:43 +0000

By Stephanie Westbrook of PACBI

As FIFA Men’s World Cup begins, millions around the world gather to cheer for their favorite teams.

Let’s use the occasion to protest host nation the United States, the top supporter of Israel’s settler-colonial apartheid regime and financier of its military machine, and the US-Israeli imposed might-makes-right order.

Let’s raise our voices against those who seek to strip us of our right to self-determination.

FIFA and Trump believe a World Cup is enough to silence the cries of entire peoples. Force does not make right, and grand stadiums cannot silence history and our ongoing struggles.

Israel continues its genocide in Gaza and ethnic cleansing of the Palestinian people, bombs Lebanese cities, strikes Yemen, joins the US in attacking Iran, and extends its expansionist ambitions to Syria, Iraq, alongside US threats against the peoples of Greenland, Cuba, and Venezuela, and US-Israeli criminal interference across Latin America.

It is clear that this is the agenda of one system, operating on the principle that might makes right, and that whoever holds the weapons and the money controls the narrative and the fate of people across the globe.

Let’s not drop the ball during this period but escalate our efforts to isolate Israel’s genocidal settler-colonial regime and its supporters and use the World Cup to shine a spotlight on Israel’s crimes against Palestinians and FIFA’s complicity in normalising the US-Israeli might-makes-right order.

Let us amplify our calls to boycott Israel’s settler-colonial apartheid regime and all corporations and bodies affiliated with or supporting it, foremost among them Reebok, the official sponsor of the Israel Football Association, and all those who whitewash Israeli crimes with a brand name or sponsorship deal.

Sports arenas are not above politics; they are platforms for supporting the struggles of peoples for freedom and justice, including the Palestinian liberation struggle against colonialism.

Lets turn Trump’s World Cup on its head:
1. Join our global people-powered social media storm on June 11.
Let’s make sure Palestinian rights are front and center during the Men’s World Cup kick off. Let’s call out FIFA’s complicity in sportswashing Israel’s attacks on Palestinians and their sports and its normalisation of the US/Israeli might-makes-right order.

Join our Social Media Storm on June 11 from (8-9)pm occupied Palestine time.
Follow the BDS Movement and PACBI accounts on Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram throughout the World Cup and tweet with us using the hashtags: #FIFAWorldCup #DisruptFIFA #BoycottReebok #WeAre26 #WorldCup2026

2. Escalate our calls to Boycott Reebok
During Israel’s genocide, Reebok chose to sponsor the Israel Football Association and its illegal settlement teams, granting sporting legitimacy to an entity that international courts have ruled practices apartheid.

Every Reebok product you buy today is implicit support for Israel’s crimes against Palestinians and in Lebanon and beyond. Let’s boycott Reebok until it explicitly announces the termination of its sponsorship of Israel’s settler-colonial apartheid system.

Let sports arenas be free from apartheid, oppression and sportswashing, because right is not measured by the magnitude of power, but by the justice of the cause.

Stephanie Westbrook is organiser of the Palestinian Campaign for the Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel (PACBI).

Ben Bohane: Umaenupne and Umaeneg – isles of the Resting God

APR editor — Thu, 11 Jun 2026 10:16:39 +0000

In the great expanse of oceans, a number of small, remote islands are having their moment in the spotlight. From the Chagos islands to the South China Sea, a string of islands have been thrust suddenly onto the frontline of geopolitics. Now a long-simmering tussle over two rocky islands is creating tension in the South Pacific. Ben Bohane investigates.

SPECIAL REPORT: By Ben Bohane

South of Vanuatu, in deep ocean teeming with fish and birdlife, lie two contested islands being fought over by Vanuatu (population 350,000) and France, which has the largest EEZ (Exclusive Economic Zone) in the world, totalling 11 million square kilometres.

Little wonder Vanuatu is framing this as a “David versus Goliath” fight. Vanuatu calls these islands by their ancient kastom names: Umaenupne and Umaeneg.

On most maps, however, they are called by what British sea captains named them: Matthew and Hunter islands. France has controlled them since 1965.

France derives much prestige, wealth and a permanent UN Security Council seat thanks to its overseas territories and vast maritime domain, spread across multiple oceans. Now some politicians and security analysts in France are worried these two islands taken from Vanuatu before its independence in 1980 could prompt sovereignty claims in other jurisdictions, from Mexico to Madagascar, if Matthew and Hunter are returned to Vanuatu.

Responding to a story in Le Figaro newspaper that discussed the possibility of French President Emmanuel Macron ceding these islands as a “major symbolic turning point”, French far-right politician Marie Le Pen tweeted in December last year:

“Let’s be clear: national sovereignty is not negotiable and cannot be surrendered. The French people do not expect Macron’s government to carve up our overseas territories, which are real levers of power, influence and economic development, behind their backs, but to give itself the means to protect and defend them.”

Rising in Parliament in late May, Vanuatu’s Prime Minister Jotham Napat issued a response of sorts. He thundered that France was “dragging its feet” on negotiations following two postponements and was withholding relevant historical documents relating to France’s claim.

A commitment, but no resolution
French President Macron agreed to formal negotiations to resolve the issue when he visited Vanuatu in 2023, saying it could be “resolved by Christmas”. He renewed this commitment in a meeting with Prime Minister Napat in July 2025.

Years later, there is still no resolution. PM Napat warned:

“We will not take a passive approach. And we will not abandon our claim. We will defend our sovereignty with determination…
“We have carefully evaluated all of the legal options that are available to us. We are trying the diplomatic pathway, but we are also ready to change strategy as soon as is necessary.”

The escalating rhetoric comes after diplomatic confrontations embroiling France, Vanuatu and Kanaky New Caledonia. A trade delegation from New Caledonia arrived in Port Vila in May to boost economic ties but was quickly overshadowed by a diplomatic spat when one of the delegation, the new president of New Caledonia’s pro-independence FLNKS (Kanak and Socialist National Liberation Front) movement, Christian Téin, met with Vanuatu’s PM Napat.

The coastline on Futuna Island in southern Vanuatu . . . escalating rhetoric comes after diplomatic confrontations embroiling France, Vanuatu and Kanaky New Caledonia over the Matthew and Hunter islands. Image: Ben Bohane

Vanuatu has long supported independence for its indigenous “Kanaky” neighbours and meetings between Vanuatu and the FLNKS are quite routine. But when Téin affirmed to the local Daily Post newspaper in a front page splash that “Matthew and Hunter islands belong to Vanuatu” then France’s ambassador weighed in on social media and the New Caledonia government suspended all trade ties with Vanuatu.

Again, this is nothing new — indigenous Kanak chiefs have long recognised Vanuatu’s claims to Matthew and Hunter islands, declaring they had no kastom links to them and France should not have included them as part of New Caledonia, which France did in 1965.

Chiefs signed Keamu Accord
In 2009 Vanuatu and Kanak chiefs signed the Keamu Accord acknowledging that Matthew and Hunter belonged to Vanuatu.

France finds itself battling on three fronts in the Pacific . . . pro-independence FLNKS president Christian Téin affirmed to the Vanuatu Daily Post newspaper in a front page splash that “Matthew and Hunter islands belong to Vanuatu” . Image: Ben Bohane

France finds itself battling on three fronts in the Pacific at the moment — rising independence movements in New Caledonia, Tahiti (French Polynesia), and now an increasingly heated dispute with Vanuatu over Matthew and Hunter islands.

Vanuatu claims its southern islanders from Tanna, Aneityum and Futuna were regularly visiting these two disputed islands long before the first European got wet in the Pacific Ocean. These islands weren’t of much interest to British and French ships navigating the seas of the 18th and 19th century due to their small size and remoteness.

Both are volcanic but only Matthew remains an active volcano. Matthew (Umaenupne) was first named by British sea captain Thomas Gilbert in 1788 who named it after the owner of his ship. Gilbert would later bequeath his name to the Gilbert and Ellice islands which today form the nation of Kiribati.

Matthew and Hunter islands . . . framing the dispute as a “David versus Goliath” fight, Vanuatu calls these islands by their ancient kastom names: Umaenupne and Umaeneg.

Hunter (Umaeneg) island was named by British captain Thomas Fearn aboard his trading ship Hunter in 1798. It is thought he also named it Hunter to honour Vice-Admiral John Hunter who was then the Governor of NSW in Australia, the second after Arthur Phillip.

Hunter Street in Sydney and the Hunter Valley are similarly named after him.

The dispute over the islands primarily has its origins in the actions of another Australian named Bob Paul, who was a planter and aviation pioneer living on Tanna Island in the 1950s and 1960s, back when Vanuatu was known as the “Condominium of the New Hebrides” and jointly administered by Britain and France.

Australian planter and aviation pioneer Bob Paul living Vanuatu in the 1950s and 1960s . . . played a key role in the dispute over the islands primarily because of his actions. Image: Screenshot BB

‘He did a lot for our island’
Today Bob Paul is well remembered by chiefs on Tanna, including Peter Marcel, president of the Nikolaten Council of Chiefs. He told me that “Bob Paul was the first to show us how to run a business, how to run trade stores and bring in tourists. He did a lot for our island”.

In 1962, Paul flew over Matthew and Hunter islands and assessing from his map the two islands had not been claimed by anyone, he decided to claim them for himself and his flying friend Henri Martinet.

“It was a bit of a lark when he claimed them” says Paul’s son Brett from his home in Queensland, who remembers an idyllic childhood growing up on Tanna. “But my father always believed the islands ultimately belong to Vanuatu.”

Paul and Martinet’s claim in 1962 prompted the British and French Resident Commissioners to make inquiries about who the islands belonged to.

The British consulted their Foreign Office, Colonial Office and Admiralty. They also asked France and Australia.

The French then made internal inquiries and concluded that, based on its own internal investigation, France considered the islands to be part of New Caledonia. Britain was content with that view, and together they wrote to the Joint Court to advise that the islands belonged to New Caledonia.

Paul and Martinet’s claim was struck off.

Ni-Vanuatu never consulted
At no stage in the process were any Ni-Vanuatu consulted, so the decision was made by European colonial powers before Vanuatu’s independence. France’s claim to sovereignty over Matthew and Hunter islands has been recognised internationally ever since they were handed to them in 1965.

Vanuatu’s claim is rooted in kastom (culture) and its ancient connections to the islands, long before the first French sailor turned up on their shores. Vanuatu enshrined their own sovereignty over the islands in legislation upon the declaration of their independence.

Many would also argue that any deal done by Britain and France in the colonial period, with no consultation of the Indigenous population, is legally null and void today.

While a European mindset focuses on the strategic and resource value of such islands, what they ignore is the kastom value of these islands to Vanuatu. Matthew and Hunter islands play a crucial role in the kastom and spiritual life of Vanuatu’s southern islanders.

Indeed these islands aren’t just “rocks in the sea” but the home of their god Matjajiki. Chiefs from Vanuatu’s southern islands claim the two islands also contain ancient cemeteries where their ancestors had elected to be buried close to their god Matjajiki and were tabu for any visitors.

More importantly, chiefs say they need Matjajiki as the spirit who brings their food and fish.

“Matjajiki works to bring life to our gardens for six months every year — he is our gardening spirit. After the annual yam harvest he eats the first yam, drinks some kava and goes to rest for the rest of the year on Umaenupne and Umaeneg,” says chief Peter Marcel on Tanna. “Without the power of Matjajiki, nothing would grow.”

Veneration of ancestral spirits
While the islanders all identify as Christian, their veneration of ancestral spirits and the benevolent work of Matjajiki is at the heart of their identity. Magic stones can still be found in their gardens and rituals of thanks still performed through the cycle of yam planting and harvesting.

Matthew and Hunter are important places in the cosmology and some even say survival of southern Vanuatu.

France’s possession of these islands has cut the ability of Ni-Vanuatu from visiting and paying respect to their god. When a boat carrying chiefs in 1983 to plant the Vanuatu flag and perform kastom rituals arrived at the two islands, they were intercepted by a French navy ship and forced to turn around. No chiefs or ships from Vanuatu have been allowed since.

According to Tony Tevi, a geologist who is Vanuatu’s Director of Oceans and Marine Resources, geology and tectonic plates affirm Vanuatu’s ownership since “Matthew and Hunter sit on the Pacific plate, not the Australian plate which New Caledonia is on. Also there are no volcanoes in New Caledonia but plenty here in Vanuatu”.

For him, a further “insult” comes from France conducting military exercises on the islands every year, using a place reserved for the gods as target practice.

“The French military visit every year with their patrol boats to claim ‘effective occupation’ and do their live firing exercises on the very place — the very place! — that for us in Vanuatu is one of the most sacred and important places. That is very unacceptable”.

Vanuatu and France are expected to resume their next round of negotiations, in Paris, at the end of this month.

Ben Bohane is a Vanuatu-based photojournalist, producer and policy analyst who has reported the Asia-Pacific region for nearly 30 years. He has contributed articles to Asia Pacific Report. This article was first published by The Sydney Morning Herald and is republished with the author’s permission.

Latest Paris court ruling triggers polarised reactions in New Caledonia

APR editor — Wed, 10 Jun 2026 02:04:24 +0000

By Patrick Decloitre of RNZ Pacific

A recent ruling by a French court to drop all charges against pro-independence Kanak leader Christian Téin and 13 others in their alleged role in the May 2024 civil unrest in New Caledonia has triggered a barrage of emotional reactions from across the French Pacific territory’s political chessboard.

Last week, a court in Paris said they had based their decision on “insufficient” evidence — amounting to a “no case to answer” — for all of the 14 accused.

The Public Prosecution has since appealed the decision, saying “further investigation” was still required.

But on the local scene, the highly-sensitive case remains a tense and polarising subject, as New Caledonia’s electoral campaigning for the local provincial elections is now in full swing, two years after violent political unrest took place, causing 14 deaths and more than 2 billion euros (NZ$3.9 billion) in economic damage, mainly caused by arson and looting.

Pro-independence FLNKS party (Kanak and Socialist National Liberation Front), one of the main components of the pro-independence movement, is now headed by Téin as president.

Briefly reacting to the Paris ruling, FLNKS said it was “relieved” that “French justice has done its job” and welcomed the decision “with a lot of humility”.

Defence lawyers had earlier pointed to a case that initially had attempted to “muzzle” Téin and his co-accused.

‘Red judges’
But reactions from political groups that want New Caledonia to remain part of France have denounced what they term a “biased” decision.

New Caledonia’s pro-France MP in the French National Assembly, Nicolas Metzdorf, lashed out on social networks at what he calls “the red judges”.

“As long as justice is not delivered, nothing can be totally repaired in New Caledonia. A whole people was harmed and those responsible must be taken to account”, he said, while welcoming the appeal lodged by Public Prosecution.

Another prominent pro-France figure in the local political spectrum, Southern Province President Sonia Backès, also criticised a French judicial system that, she said, “has gone crazy”.

But one of Téin’s lawyers, François Roux, reminded that “investigating judges are independent … they have done a thorough job”.

The ruling came after almost two years of investigation on this case, which followed the grave civil unrest that broke out in New Caledonia mid-May 2024.

At the time, Téin was the leader of a group called CCAT (Field Action Coordinating Cell) which was set up by pro-independence party Union Calédonienne a few months earlier.

‘Destabilising’ New Caledonia
Public prosecutors had alleged at one stage that CCAT was an “organised structure” and that its “order givers” had carried out a plan to “destabilise [New Caledonia’s] economic, administrative and public State services”.

In June 2024, Téin and other CCAT leaders were arrested in Nouméa and flown to mainland France, where they served pre-trial jail terms of up to one year.

Téin was allowed to return to New Caledonia in December 2025.

This story was first published on

Mark Naglazas: Blaming immigrants when we need to look inside for our heart of darkness

APR editor — Wed, 10 Jun 2026 02:00:14 +0000

COMMENTARY: By Mark Naglazas

Trying to get my head around Pete Hegseth’s bonkers, deeply offensive D-Day memorial speech in which the US Secretary of War drew an equivalence between the Allies storming the beaches of Normandy — the largest seaborne invasion in history — with illegal immigrants seeking refuge in Europe.

“Sadly, today, different European beaches are stormed by different, dangerous ideologies — beaches in Spain, Italy, Greece and Bulgaria,” Hegseth told those gathered at the American military cemetery in Colleville-sur-Mer, France.

“Boats and men arrive. When will European capitals do something about that invasion, or is it too late? I pray not, and I believe not,” he said.

“The men who fought and died here restored freedom to Europe. That freedom must be maintained by this generation of leaders and war fighters, or what they fought for was merely temporary.”

Most of the blowback against this speech has been in Hegseth’s staining the memory of a noble sacrifice of the Allies with a contemporary political reference.

But what is truly appalling and completely nuts is the comparison of illegal immigrants to Nazis.

Hegseth says that America saved Western civilisation, which has some truth,

But Nazism didn’t come from outsiders: it came from the belly of Western civilisation.

Crowning glories but . . .
Germany was one of the crowning glories of the West yet it murdered six million Jews and waged a war that killed many more.

The Allies were saving Europe from itself.

Ironically, while Hegseth was shooting his big fat mouth off in France over in Germany a member of a neo-Nazi party so far to the right that even the booming extremist Alternative for Germany have condemned them has narrowly lost a mayoral election Saxony.

Soon we won’t be laughing at Mel Brooks’ famous song “Spingtime for Hitler”. It’s happening in Germany now (even Chancellor Merz is worried)

All over the world — in the UK, in the United States, in Australia — we are blaming immigrants for our ills when we need to look inside our own countries for the heart of darkness that gave us the Holocaust and is threatening to unleash demonic forces again.

Mark Naglazas is a West Australian journalist specialising in Perth culture and the arts. Republished from his FB page with permission.

Hegseth compared migrants to a ‘dangerous invasion’ at the graves of D-Day soldiers.

Here’s the reaction pic.twitter.com/WX7Pkq2wta

— The Daily Britain (@dailybritainonx) June 7, 2026

‘Sodomised’ and ‘tortured’ – family of Fijian man allegedly beaten by police speaks out

APR editor — Tue, 09 Jun 2026 09:30:15 +0000

By Kaya Selby of RNZ Pacific

Warning: This story contains detailed accounts of alleged police and military brutality, including torture and sexual assault.

The Fiji Police Force has acknowledged that 12 officers were present during a raid involving Kinoya resident Sakiasi Ose Radravu, who his family claims was severely beaten, resulting in his death.

His family alleges that on the night of April 23, the 32-year-old was “tortured” in his home by both police and military officers — and beaten within an inch of his life.

He died five days ago, on June 4, with police stating that the autopsy report shows the cause of his demise was “a pre-existing medical condition”.

A smartphone with an image of Sakiasi Ose Radravu is held up by his partner Patrica Baleturaga at their home in Kinoya. Image: Sophie Ralulu/The Fiji Times

However, Radravu’s aunt Elizabeth Kabuyawa told RNZ Pacific that they are seeking a second autopsy on the body, due to concerns about a possible cover-up.

RNZ Pacific has seen a copy of the death certificate, which lists the main cause of death as sepsis and complications from pneumonia.

“I think they’re [police] trying to masquerade it. They’re not even considering that there was an underlying issue that he’d had from these beatings,” Kabuyawa claimed.

“My nephew was sodomised, his head was stomped on, he was beaten almost to his death.”

Second recent death
This is the second recent death in Suva linked incidents where police and military are alleged to have played a part. Jone Vakarisi — described by local media as a drug lord involved in criminal networks — died in military custody on April 14.

It comes at a time when military officers are patrolling the streets bearing automatic weapons — ostensibly as part of a joint operation with police to crack down on drugs.

Police are also promoting a dob-in website where citizens can be their community’s “eyes and ears” and inform on others.

Kabuyawa said the family is of one mind in seeking answers from the authorities.

“Fiji is not a big place … we just want that faith and that confidence back into our [police] service. We’re hoping that this could be the last time that this type of brutality happens.”

The night
Radravu’s cousin Buna recalled being woken up at 3am on April 23 by a loud banging outside.

When her uncle opened the door, they found a military officer in uniform demanding to see Radravu, who Kabuyawa said they had accused of stealing a laptop.

But they had gone to the wrong house — Radravu and his girlfriend were a few doors down.

“Straight after, he had informed our uncle that there were some soldiers were already present opposite from where we are staying,” Buna said.

“So straight after they had left, my uncle and our cousin, they also went, they wanted to see what would actually happen. So when they went, they saw that they had already surrounded the place.”

They arrived to see the house surrounded by people banging on windows and walking in and out.

“We could hear that our cousin was actually screaming and yelling for his life, but that didn’t actually change any response from them.”

Buna said that Radravu’s girlfriend, who was in the room as he was being beaten, made out that some were in uniform, and some were not.

“[She] came crying home and came to inform the family of what had happened. After they had beaten him up, they had taken him up to the [police] station at Valelevu [a suburb 20 minutes out from the capital Suva].”

The family alleges that Radravu’s visit to the station had never been logged or recorded, and that police had never issued a warrant for a raid on his house.

While police have rejected the family’s version of events, they have now acknowledged that a raid did take place, and that 12 police officers were present.

A June 7 police statement described the conduct as “failure to adhere to processes and procedures”.

“The Fiji Police Force acknowledges that the lack of compliance to due processes continues to exacerbate complaints against police and service,” it said.

The aftermath
More than a month passed between that night and Radravu’s death. His family said he had suffered all of that time, often unable to sit or lie down without intense pain.

“My sister-in-law asked him, ‘Do you want to [go to the hospital], let’s go, let’s go,’ and he refused,” Kabuyawa said.

She described a small number of eventual hospital visits where X-rays came up with nothing, and Radravu was given Panadol [paracetamol].

“For the past couple of weeks, he had check ups, but also with the issues due to space [at the hospital] he checked himself out.”

On June 4, Radravu walked into Wanibokasi Hospital and collapsed. The hospital is about a 35 minute drive from the CBD in Suva.

Within an hour of his death, two police officers arrived at his mother’s house, trying to coax her into agreeing not to carry out a post-mortem on the body, Kabuyawa alleged.

“She refused. A couple days later … the police then started coming to the house … they came in three appearances in one day.”

Kabuyawa has accused the police of using this as an intimidation tactic.

“Out of the blue, a doctor called and stated there will be a post-mortem. When they appeared [at the hospital], there were five carloads of officers that were already there waiting.

“My family was not allowed entry into the room to be near his body.”

Aside from confirming Radravu’s identity, family members were ushered to a waiting area, watching police officers walk in and out of the examination room.

“Then the doctor, with such an arrogant tone, just advised the family without passing the paperwork that [Radravu] had passed away because he had tuberculosis and AIDS,” she claimed.

“My sister-in-law, who is a nurse, and had taken Sakiasi to the doctors a week and a bit ago, she advised him right then that ‘we did his blood work and that all came back clear’. Then the doctor ended up changing his findings, and said he died from pneumonia.”

From the death certificate seen by RNZ Pacific, it is not clear to the family whether complications from the beatings — which they claim went entirely untreated — were considered at all.

Out of frustration, Kabuyawa emailed Police Commissioner Rusiate Tudravu on Friday, June 5, copying reporters in the communication.

Tudravu replied: “If you want to raise your grievances then address your email to me — I will not action if I’m copied.”

“Please have some respect to the Office of the Police Commissioner.”

‘No official report filed’, police say
Days after Radravu’s death, police said they were conducting an investigation.

“It has been confirmed from the Valelevu Police Station records that Mr Radravu was taken in for questioning on the night of the 23rd of April 2026 in relation to a case of alleged burglary,” a statement noted.

“It has also been confirmed from his family that no official report of an alleged assault was lodged following his arrest.”

Kabuyawa said this was because Radravu feared retribution even to the point where he feared telling a doctor.

The police statement also noted the cause of death had been linked to “a pre-existing medical condition,” which the family has completely rejected.

Meanwhile, the Fiji Sun reported on Tuesday morning that “reliable sources” had told them there was no direct involvement from the joint taskforce operation itself — rather that the 12 police officers were acting alone.

Police Minister Ioane Naivalurua has called for a fair investigation.

“These are abnormal times here in Fiji, and we are addressing the issue head on, no excuses,” he was quoted as saying by local media.

Commissioner Tudravu told RNZ Pacific that they would not answer any questions on the matter until an “internal investigation” had been completed. He offered no timeframe.

The Fiji Military has not responded to RNZ Pacific’s requests for comment.

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