In middle of this month, two regencies in Papua again became epicentres of grief and national controversy.

Puncak Regency in Central Papua and Yahukimo in Mountainous Papua were struck by shooting incidents that claimed more than a dozen lives.

The tragedy reopened old wounds about how armed violence too often misses its target, making innocent people victims.

• READ MORE: Wenda calls on Indonesia to halt crackdown on peaceful Papua protests
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More than that, the events ignited a serious dispute between the official account of Indonesian state security forces and survivor testimonies, calling into question the credibility of the state’s response amid a genuine humanitarian emergency. The wounds and sorrow run so deep that no remedy seems capable of healing them.

The deadliest incident occurred in the Kembru sub-district of Puncak Regency. Initial reports spoke of an exchange of fire between the Indonesian military (TNI) and an “armed criminal group (KKB)” — as Indonesian authorities describe resistance groups — on April 14.

But the public was truly shaken days later when the Minister of Human Rights revealed that 15 civilians had been killed and seven wounded — overwhelmingly non combatants, including women and children.

What is striking is that the minister’s statement was delivered in the context of a “firefight” between the TNI and the armed resistance.

Meanwhile, the TNI, in a clarification on April 21, offered a different narrative. According to the TNI source, there were two separate incidents: first, a shootout that killed four members of the Free Papua Organisation (TPNPB/OPM), and second, a massacre of civilians carried out by the OPM itself.

With that statement, the TNI implicitly denied that its troops had fired on civilians. Sorrow splits between the official version and the cry for truth rising from the earth.

When survivors speak: ‘They were in uniform’
The contradiction peaked when the media interviewed survivors in hospitals. One survivor stated unequivocally that people in military uniforms shot him and other villagers. This is no mere rumour.

The National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM), which conducted an initial investigation, found that several survivors consistently identified state security forces as the perpetrators.

Even more troubling, a report by the Papua People’s Assembly (MRP) for Central Papua stated that TNI soldiers from the Habema, Maleo, and Damai Carstenz units chased and attacked civilians in Makuma, Milome, and Kembru villages. The assault involved four helicopters, drones, firearms, and grenades.

One father, whose child was among the victims, told the Governor and Vice Governor at the hospital that villagers were attacked from the air around five or six in the morning, with grenades dropped from helicopters and drones. Some grenades, he said, were thrown directly into honai — traditional Papuan houses.

“They threw grenades by hand from above,” he said, cradling his wounded child.

Civil society reports indicate the military operation actually began on April 13, when the TNI attacked a TPNPB base in Pogoma District — previously acknowledged as a battlefield.

Two days later, the assault expanded to refugee camps in Kembru District, where thousands of civilians were sheltering. The result: innocent civilians became targets.

The MRP recorded at least nine civilian deaths, including a baby in the womb whose mother was also killed, plus 14 wounded. Komnas HAM reported 12 civilian deaths, while the Ministry of Human Rights said 15.

The discrepancy reveals a lack of coordination and verification at the central level, let alone the difficulty of accessing isolated locations.

More harrowing is the testimony of a woman seven months pregnant, treated at Dian Harapan Hospital in Jayapura. She was shot in the lower jaw.

In a soft but firm voice, she said the perpetrators were state security forces. She described troops attacking the village with helicopters and ground forces, using grenades and firearms. Even after the shooting, she said, uniformed soldiers posed for photos with the victims.

If true, this incident can no longer be called a mere “firefight” — it is a potential gross human rights violation. Physical wounds can be treated, but the trauma of being betrayed by those who were supposed to protect you lasts a lifetime.

Local government’s fast action amid the controversy
Amid the deadlock, the local government moved with noteworthy speed. The Governor of Central Papua, Meki Nawipa, together with Vice Governor Deinas Geley, visited Mulia Regional Hospital on April 17.

The governor declared that the provincial government would cover all medical costs and guarantee education for children who lost parents. An integrated emergency team, including the Indonesian Red Cross, was formed for data collection, evacuation, and psychosocial support.

The Regent/Mayor of Puncak Regency, Elvis Tabuni, unable to hold back tears, distributed aid and condolence payments. Yet challenges remain because access to the Kembru sub-district is difficult, isolated and prone to armed clashes.

The villagers’ sorrow was somewhat eased by the presence of local leaders, but the root wound — the uncertainty of justice — remains embedded.

Yahukimo, different pattern, same grief
Almost simultaneously, Yahukimo Regency was rocked by the shooting of a state civil servant, Yemis Yohame, head of the Housing Subdivision. He was found dead from gunshot wounds on April 21.

Unlike in Puncak, the response was relatively clearer. The Regent/Mayor of Yahukimo quickly stated that the shooting was a criminal act by an “armed criminal group (KKB)”, with no political agenda. The TNI and police launched an operation to hunt the perpetrators.

The contrast is stark. In Puncak, a large scale armed clash caused widespread civilian harm, with strong allegations of state human rights violations. In Yahukimo, the action was a targeted assassination.

For Yemis Yohame’s family, the grief is just as deep. The problem of violence in Papua is not homogeneous. But the most alarming case is Puncak, because it involves potential gross human rights violations by state forces.

If state troops shot civilians, that is not merely “imprecise fire” — it is a serious violation of the right to life and safety.

Komnas HAM stressed that any attack on civilians — by state or non state actors — violates international humanitarian law, and urged the TNI commander to evaluate operations by the Habema Task Force and pursue transparent legal action.

Without such steps, the wounds of Puncak will remain open.

Church leaders also condemned the violence. Father Yanuarius Yance Yogi criticised both sides for sacrificing innocent civilians.

“Both parties have sophisticated equipment. Yet why must civilian lives be sacrificed?” Reverend Dominggus Pigai said the situation in Papua is a military and humanitarian emergency zone. Reverend Benny Giay said the indiscriminate attack on civilians proves the state does not want Papuans to live on their own land.

Displaced grief: A humanitarian emergency
Reports indicate the military operation has triggered a massive wave of displacement. Of the twenty-five districts in Puncak Regency, only two have not seen their people flee.

Thousands of civilians are scattered in forests, neighbouring villages, and other regencies such as Timika, Nabire, and Jayapura. They live in fear, lacking food, clean water, and health services.

The Indonesian Red Cross has carried out cremations, but medical care on the ground remains extremely limited. The displaced endure an uncertain existence: driven from their own villages, stripped of shelter, and haunted by the trauma of grenade blasts and helicopter roars.

The hope of Papuans
The tragedy in Puncak presents the administration of President Prabowo Subianto with a profound test of the state’s commitment to protecting its citizens and upholding human rights. In addressing this complex situation, the government is respectfully encouraged to consider a series of measured and transparent steps that prioritise truth, justice, and the welfare of all Papuans.

First, the administration may wish to break from the pattern of contradictory official narratives by publicly acknowledging the credibility of survivor testimonies and the preliminary findings of Komnas HAM and the Papua People’s Assembly.

Rather than denial or ambiguity — which risk deepening perceptions of a legitimacy gap — the government could demonstrate leadership by establishing an independent, joint fact finding mission.

Such a mission would ideally include Komnas HAM, respected Papuan civil society leaders, church representatives, and, where appropriate, international observers, all operating with full access to affected villages and operational documents.

The objective would be to uncover the factual truth about what transpired, why civilians became victims, and who bears responsibility, without prejudging outcomes. Should evidence confirm gross human rights violations, the administration is respectfully urged to ensure that legal proceedings move forward genuinely.

Beyond the investigative track, the administration is encouraged to recognise that Puncak has already entered a humanitarian emergency. The displacement of thousands of civilians from nearly all districts demands a coordinated, large scale response that goes beyond the commendable but limited efforts of local authorities and the Indonesian Red Cross.

The government could consider declaring a temporary humanitarian corridor to enable the unhindered delivery of food, clean water, medical supplies, and psychosocial support to displaced populations hiding in forests and neighbouring regencies.

Evacuation plans, with special attention to pregnant women, children, the elderly, and the injured, would offer immediate relief. Working in partnership with the provincial government, the central administration might also commit to documenting every displaced family and restoring their basic rights to shelter, health, and education before any discussion of return.

Without such humanitarian action, broader peace and development efforts risk being seen as hollow.

Concerning the security sector, a diplomatic but firm reassessment may be timely. The administration could consider ordering a temporary suspension of offensive military operations in civilian populated areas of Puncak pending the outcome of the independent investigation.

The current approach — relying on aerial surveillance, drones, and ground manoeuvres — has, according to multiple testimonies, failed to consistently distinguish between armed group members and non-combatants, as illustrated by grenade attacks on honai homes and the wounding of a pregnant woman.

A review of rules of engagement, with specific prohibitions on the use of air delivered explosive weapons in or near civilian settlements, would align security practices with international humanitarian law.

Furthermore, the administration might explore a gradual shift from a military dominated posture toward a strengthened civilian led security framework that places the protection of civilians at its centre. Allegations that soldiers posed for photographs with victims, if substantiated, point to serious breaches of military ethics; in such a case, transparent court martial proceedings would help restore public trust.

Equally important is a broader political and developmental strategy that addresses the root causes of recurring violence. The administration is respectfully encouraged to initiate a genuine, inclusive dialogue process that brings together not only security forces and armed groups but also traditional leaders, church authorities, women’s organisations, and civil society representatives from across Papua.

Such a forum would be empowered to discuss not merely ceasefires and humanitarian access, but also longstanding grievances related to economic exploitation, land rights, political representation, and historical injustices.

In parallel, the government could reconsider the scale and nature of development spending in Papua, shifting from large scale extractive projects that often displace communities toward locally controlled economic initiatives that create tangible benefits for Papuan families.

Education, healthcare, and infrastructure built in genuine partnership with Papuan communities would likely build more trust than any number of military operations.

Finally, the administration may find value in engaging other stakeholders constructively. Komnas HAM deserves enhanced resources and political protection to conduct long term monitoring of both the investigation and the humanitarian response. Church leaders across Indonesia can be important moral partners in demanding accountability while accompanying Papuan communities in their grief.

International partners, while respecting Indonesia’s sovereignty, could be invited to offer technical assistance for independent investigations and humanitarian operations, and to continue diplomatic dialogue on civilian protection in Papua.

The media, too, has a role in connecting past and present violence to hold power accountable, rather than treating each tragedy as an isolated event.

Ultimately, what happened in Puncak and Yahukimo in April 2026 shows that the cycle of violence in Papua has never truly stopped. The discrepancy between survivor testimony and official statements cannot be left unresolved.

A purely security based approach has never been enough. A humane approach, dialogue, and equitable economic development must become mainstream. As the Regent of Puncak, Elvis Tabuni, said through his tears, they are citizens who should be protected — not turned into targets.

The wounds and sorrow left by this tragedy may never fully heal — at least, not as long as the truth remains hidden and justice is not upheld. Time will tell whether the state can uphold its constitutional mandate, or whether it will allow the land of Papua to remain soaked in the blood of its innocent children.

And for those who survived — who every night still hear the screams of their fallen friends — that wound will continue to sing in the silence: a sorrow that remains unhealed.

Laurens Ikinia is a Papuan lecturer and researcher at the Institute of Pacific Studies, Indonesian Christian University, Jakarta. He is also an honorary member of the Asia Pacific Media Network (APMN) in Aotearoa New Zealand, and an occasional contributor to Asia Pacific Report.

Indonesian military forces have again bombed Kiwirok, the site of a massacre in 2021 that killed more than 300 West Papuan civilians, amid worsening violence, alleges a Papuan advocacy group.

“While President Prabowo talks about promoting peace in the Middle East, his military is trying to wipe out West Papua,” said United Liberation Movement of West Papua (ULMWP) leader Benny Wenda.

“Evidence gathered by villagers in the Star Mountains shows the Indonesian military using Brazilian fighter jets to target houses, gardens, and cemeteries.”

• READ MORE: Documentary tells forgotten story of Indonesian military operations
• Other West Papua reports

He said in a statement the village had been destroyed and more civilians had become displaced in their own land, adding to more than 100,000 internal refugees.

The ULMWP website showed images from the attack.

Wenda said the bombing showed again “how the whole world is complicit in the genocide of my people”.

In 2021, Indonesia had used bombs and drones made in Serbia, China and France to kill civilians as revealed in the 2023 documentary Hostage Land: Why Papuan Guerrilla Fighters Keep Taking Hostages. 

“Now, it is Brazilian jets that children in Kiwirok see before their homes are destroyed,” Wenda said.

West Papua was being facing several “colonial tactics to crush our spirit and destroy our resistance”.

“What is happening in Kiwirok is happening in different ways across West Papua,” Wenda said. He cited:

• Riots and demos happening in Jayapura after a peaceful demonstration calling for the release Papuan political prisoners was violently crushed;
• Indonesia occupying churches in Intan Jaya in violation of international law as they deployed soldiers for a new military base;
• Indonesian military killing civilian Sadrak Yahome after anti-racism protests in Yalimo, which happenedfollowing Indonesian settlers racially abusing a Papuan student;
• Militarisation happening across the Highlands, with more than 50 villages having being occupied by the TNI [Indonesian military] since August;
• West Papuans being called “monkeys” by Indonesian settlers in Timika; and
• A 52-year-old man being killed by police during a protest against the transfer of political prisoners in Manokwari.

The documentary Hostage Land.                   Video: Paradise Broadcasting

“It isn’t a coincidence that this escalation is happening while Indonesia is increasing environmental destruction in West Papua, trying to steal our resources and rip apart our forest for profit and food security,” Wenda said.

“In Raja Ampat, Merauke, Intan Jaya, and Kiwirok, new plantations and mines are killing our people and land.”

Wenda appealed to Pacific leaders to stand for West Papua as “the rest of the world stands for Palestine”.

“The Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) and Pacific Islands Forum (PIF) must respond to this escalation — Indonesia is spilling Pacific and Melanesian blood in West Papua.

“They must not bow to Indonesian chequebook diplomacy.”

The Indonesian Military (TNI) is committed to supporting the completion of the Trans-Papua Highway during President Prabowo Subianto’s term in office.

While the military is not involved in construction, it plays a critical role in securing the project from threats posed by pro-independence Papuan resistance groups in “high-risk” regions.

Spanning a total length of 4330 km, the Trans-Papua road project has been under development since 2014.

• READ MORE: Indonesia’s development dilemmas – a green info gap and budget pressure – David Robie
• Other Trans-Papua Highway reports

However, only 3446 km of the national road network has been connected after more than a decade of construction.

“Don’t compare Papua with Jakarta, where there are no armed groups. Papua is five times the size of Java, and not all areas are secure,” TNI spokesman Major-General Kristomei Sianturi told a media conference at the Ministry of Public Works on Monday.

One of the currently active segments is the Jayapura–Wamena route — specifically the Mamberamo–Elim section, which stretches 50 km.

The project is being carried out through a public-private partnership and was awarded to PT Hutama Karya, with an investment of Rp3.3 trillion (about US$202 million) and a 15-year concession. The segment is expected to be completed within two years, targeting finalisation next year.

Security an obstacle
General Kristomei said that one of the main obstacles was security in the vicinity of construction sites.

Out of 50 regencies/cities in Papua, at least seven are considered high-risk zones. Since its inception, the Trans-Papua road project has claimed 17 lives, due to clashes in the region.

In addition to security challenges, the delivery of construction materials remains difficult due to limited infrastructure.

“Transporting goods from one point to another in Papua is extremely difficult because there are no connecting roads. We’re essentially building from scratch,” General Kristomei said.

In May 2024, President Joko Widodo convened a limited cabinet meeting at the Merdeka Palace to discuss accelerating development in Papua. The government agreed on the urgent need to improve education, healthcare, and security in the region.

The Minister of National Development Planning, Suharso Monoarfa, announced that the government would ramp up social welfare programmes in Papua in coordination with then Vice-President Ma’ruf Amin, who chairs the Agency for the Acceleration of Special Autonomy in Papua (BP3OKP).

‘Welfare based approaches’
“We are gradually implementing welfare-based approaches, including improvements in education and health, with budgets already allocated to the relevant ministries and agencies,” Suharso said in May last year.

As of March 2023, the Indonesian government has disbursed Rp 1,036 trillion for Papua’s development.

This funding has supported major infrastructure initiatives such as the 3462 km Trans-Papua Highway, 1098 km of border roads, the construction of the 1.3 km Youtefa Bridge in Jayapura, and the renovation of Domine Eduard Osok Airport in Sorong.

Republished from the Indonesia Business Post.

On Friday, March 22, a video circulated of TNI (Indonesian military) soldiers torturing a civilian in Papua. In the video, the victim is submerged in a drum filled with water with his hands tied behind his back.

The victim was alternately beaten and kicked by the TNI members. The victim’s back was also slashed with a knife.

The video circulated globally quickly and was widely criticised.

• READ MORE: 13 Indonesian soldiers arrested over the Papuan torture
• Other West Papua torture reports

Gustav Kawer from the Papua Association of Human Rights Advocates (PAHAM) condemned the incident and called for the perpetrators to be brought to justice.

This was then followed by National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM), Indonesian Human Rights Watch (Imparsial), the Diocese, the church and students.

Meanwhile, Cenderawasih/XVII regional military commander (Pangdam) Major-General Izak Pangemanan tried to cover up the crime by saying it was a hoax and the video was a result of “editing”.

This argument was later refuted by the TNI itself and it was proven that TNI soldiers were the ones who had committed the crime. Thirteen soldiers were arrested and accused over the torture.

The torture occurred on 3 February 2024 in Puncak Regency, Papua.

Accused of being ‘spies’
The victim who was seen in the video was Defianus Kogoya, who had been arrested along with Warinus Murib and Alianus Murib. They were arrested and accused of being “spies” for the West Papua National Liberation Army-Free Papua Organisation (TPNPB-OPM), a cheap accusation which the TNI and police were subsequently unable to prove.

Indonesia human rights: 13 soldiers arrested after torture video. Video: Al Jazeera

The three were arrested when the TNI was conducting a search in Amukia and Gome district. When Warinus was arrested, his legs were tied to a car and he was dragged for one kilometre, before finally being tortured.

Alianus, meanwhile ,was also taken to a TNI post and tortured. After several hours, they were finally handed over to a police post because there was not enough evidence to prove the TNI’s accusations.

Defianus finally fainted, while Warinus died of his injuries. Warinus’ body was cremated by the family the next day on February 4.

Defianus is still suffering and remains seriously ill. This is a TNI crime in Papua.

But that is not all. On 22 February 2022, the TNI also tortured seven children in Sinak district, Puncak. The seven children were Deson Murib, Makilon Tabuni, Pingki Wanimbo, Waiten Murib, Aton Murib, Elison Murib and Murtal Kurua.

Makilon Tabuni died as a result.

Civilians murdered, mutilated
On August 22, the TNI murdered and mutilated four civilians in Timika. They were Arnold Lokbere, Irian Nirigi, Lemaniel Nirigi and Atis Tini.

The bodies of the four were dismembered: the head, body and legs were separated into several parts, put in sacks then thrown into a river.

Six days later, soldiers from the Infantry Raider Battalion 600/Modang tortured four civilians in Mappi regency, Papua. The four were Amsal P Yimsimem, Korbinus Yamin, Lodefius Tikamtahae and Saferius Yame.

They were tortured for three hours and suffered injuries all over their bodies.

Three days later, on August 30, the TNI again tortured two civilians named Bruno Amenim Kimko and Yohanis Kanggun in Edera district, Mappi regency. Bruno Amenim died while Yohanis Kanggun suffered serious injuries.

On October 27, three children under the age of 16 were tortured by the TNI in Keerom regency. They were Rahmat Paisel, Bastian Bate and Laurents Kaung. They were tortured using chains, coils of wire and water hoses.

The atrocity occurred in the Yamanai Village, Arso II, Arso district.

On 22 February 2023, TNI personnel from the Navy post in Lantamal X1 Ilwayap tortured two civilians named Albertus Kaize and Daniel Kaize. Albertus Kaize died of his injuries. This crime occurred in Merauke regency, Papua.

95 civilians tortured
Between 2018 and 2021, Amnesty International recorded that more than 95 civilians had been tortured and killed by the TNI and the police. These crimes target indigenous Papuans, and the curve continues to rise year by year, ever since Indonesia occupied Papua in 1961.

These crimes were committed one after another without a break, and followed the same pattern. So it can be concluded that these were not the acts of rogue individuals or one or two people as the TNI argues to reduce their crimes to individual acts.

Rather, they are structural (systematic) crimes designed to subdue the Papuan nation, to stop all forms of Papuan resistance for the sake of the exploitation and theft of Papua’s natural resources.

The problems in Papua cannot be solved by increasing the number of police or soldiers. The problems in Papua must be resolved democratically.

This democratic solution must include establishing a human rights court for all perpetrators of crimes in Papua since the 1960s, and not just the perpetrators in the field, but also those responsible in the chain of command.

Only this will break the pattern of crimes that are occurring and provide justice for the Papuan people. A human rights court will also mean weakening the anti-democratic forces that exist in Indonesia and Papua — namely military(ism).

Garbage of history
A prerequisite for achieving democratisation is to eliminate the old forces, the garbage of history.

The cleaner the process is carried out, the broader and deeper the democracy that can be achieved. This also includes the demands of the Papuan people to be given the right to determine their own destiny.

This is not a task for some later day, but is the task of the Papuan people today. Nor is the task of the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) political elite or political activists alone, but it is the task of all Papuan people if they want to extract themselves from the crimes of the TNI and police or Indonesian colonialism.

Independence can only be gained by the struggle of the ordinary people themselves. The people must fight, the people must take to the streets, the people must build their own ranks, their own alternative political tool, and fight in an organised and guided manner.

Sharon Muller is a leading member of the Socialist Union (Perserikatan Sosialis, PS) and a member of the Socialist Study Circle (Lingkar Studi Sosialis, LSS). Arah Juang is the newspaper of the Socialist Union.

Translated by James Balowski for Indoleft News. The original title of the article was “Kejahatan TNI di Papua dan Solusi Demokratis Untuk Rakyat Papua dan Indonesia”.

References
Gemima Harvey’s report The Human Tragedy of West Papua, 15 January 2014. This reports states that more than 500,000 West Papua people have been slaughtered by Indonesia and its actors, the TNI and police since 1961.

Veronica Koman’s chronology of torture of civilians in Papua. Posted on the Veronica Koman Facebook wall, 24 March 2024.

Jubi, Alleged torture of citizens by the TNI adds to the long list of violence in the land of Papua. 23 March 2024.

VOA Indonesia, Amnesty International: 95 civilians in Papua have been victims of extrajudicial killings.

Indonesia’s military regional command in Papua has denied claims made by a pro-independence West Papuan group that abducted New Zealand pilot Phillip Mehrtens more than a year ago that the army had staged a bombing attack, The Jakarta Post reports.

Responding to a claim by the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB) that aerial bombing had taken place in an area in Nduga regency where Mehrtens had been taken hostage on February 7 last year, the Indonesian Military (TNI) said it had deployed only flyby operations there.

Lieutenant Colonel Candra Kurniawan, a spokesperson for the Cendrawasih Regional Military Command in Papua province, denied that any military operation involving aerial bombs had taken place.

• READ MORE: Other NZ pilot reports

He said soldiers from the Nduga District Military Command 1706 only carried out routine patrols in the region.

TNI denies bombing Papua district in bid to free NZ pilot – Archipelago – The Jakarta Post #jakpost https://t.co/gHCbBA5Uy4 pic.twitter.com/aKNW7nFmMJ

— The Jakarta Post (@jakpost) April 1, 2024

“This [patrol] was conducted together with the local community. There has been nothing like an air strike,” Candra told the Bahasa-language Tempo on Saturday.

He also rebuffed TPNPB’s claim that TNI soldiers had engaged in a firefight with members of pro-independence group.

“Many [TNI] members are in the field serving the community, the situation is also conducive,” Colonel Candra said.

On March 30, TPNPB spokesperson Sebby Sambom said in a statement received by Tempo that the military had deployed aerial attacks using “military aircraft, helicopters and drones” and destroyed four of the group’s posts in Nduga.

It happens again and again; indigenous Papuans fall victim to Indonesian soldiers.

This time, we have photographic evidence for the brutality, with videos on social media showing a Papuan man being tortured by a group of plainclothes men alleged to be the Indonesian Military (TNI) members. One clip shows the man’s head being beaten with a rod, while another has his back slashed by a blade that looks like a combat knife.

After initially denying the assailants in the footage were military personnel, the TNI issued on Monday a rare apology and said that 13 soldiers had been arrested following the viral video.

• READ MORE: 
• Amnesty urges review of Indonesian troops in Papua after torture video
• Australian group warns of new ‘arrests, torture’ in Papuan crackdown
• ‘Committed to human rights’, claims Indonesia over West Papua torture
• West Papuan wounds of suffering – diplomatic pressure on Indonesia needed urgently – Ronny Kareni
• Wenda condemns ‘sadistic brutality’ of Indonesian torture of Papuan – calls for UN action
• Other West Papua human rights reports

“I apologise to all Papuans, and we will work to ensure this is never repeated,” said Cenderawasih Military Commander in Papua Major General Izak Pangemanan.

That rare apology is a positive sign, but it is not enough. We have had enough pledges from the military about not inflicting more violence on Papuans, but time and again blood is spilled in the name of the military and police campaign against armed separatist [pro-independence] groups.

The resource-rich Papua region has seen escalating violence since 2018, when the military increased its presence there in response to deadlier and more frequent attacks, allegedly committed by armed rebels.

Throughout 2023 alone, there were 49 acts of violence by security forces against civilians recorded by the rights group Commission for Missing Person and Victims of Violence (Kontras) in the form of, among others, forceful arrest, torture and shooting. At least 67 people were injured and 41 others lost their lives in the violence.

Also according to Kontras, some of the arrested civilians could not be proven to have ties to the armed rebel groups, particularly the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB).

In regard to this week’s viral videos, the TNI claimed that the man beaten in the video was identified as Defianus Kogoya, a separatist [pro-independence activist] who planned to burn down a health center in Central Papua.

Whether Defianus was a rebel or civilian, what the soldiers did to him is unjustified, because no national or international law allows the torture of members of hostile forces.

The Geneva Conventions and its additional protocols have at least seven articles banning torture. There are also other sets of regulations banning cruel or inhuman treatment of captured enemies.

National regulations also prohibit security forces personnel from committing unnecessary violent acts. Article 351 of the Criminal Code mandates two years and eight months’ imprisonment for any individuals committing torture, a provision that also applies to military personnel.

Indonesian army apologises after viral Papua torture video – Archipelago – The Jakarta Post #jakpost https://t.co/GIYkp1pJ3s pic.twitter.com/8S9QswinJR

— The Jakarta Post (@jakpost) March 26, 2024

For soldiers, the punishment can be heavier as they face the possibility of getting an additional one third of the punishment if they are found guilty of torture by a military court.

The TNI also announced on Monday that it had arrested 13 soldiers allegedly involved in the incidents in the video. The investigations are still ongoing, but the military promised to name them as suspects soon.

These might be good first steps, but they may mean nothing if their superiors are not prosecuted alongside the foot soldiers. At the very least, the TNI must ensure that the 13 suspects are prosecuted thoroughly in a military court of justice.

The TNI should also work harder to prevent systemic issues that allow such violence to occur. A TNI spokesperson acknowledged on Monday that the military was far from perfect. That is good, but it would be better if the TNI actually worked in a transparent manner on how it addresses that imperfection.

Overall, the government and especially the incoming administration of President-elect Prabowo Subianto must make more serious efforts at achieving a long-lasting peace in Papua.

Sending more troops has proven to merely lead to escalation. The incoming government should consider the possibility that fighting fire with fire, only leads to a bigger fire.

This editorial in The Jakarta Post was published yesterday, 27 March 2024, under the title “Stop fighting fire with fire”.

Amnesty International Indonesia is calling for an evaluation of the placement of TNI (Indonesian military) in Papua after a video of a Papuan man being tortured by several soldiers at the Gome Post in Puncak regency, Central Papua, went viral on social media.

“This incident was a [case of] cruel and inhuman torture that really damages our sense of justice,” said Amnesty International executive director Usman Hamid in a statement.

“It tramples over humanitarian values that are just and civilised. To the families of the victim, we expressed our deep sorrow.”

• READ MORE:  Australian group warns of new ‘arrests, torture’ in Papuan crackdown
• ‘Committed to human rights’, claims Indonesia over West Papua torture
• West Papuan wounds of suffering – diplomatic pressure on Indonesia needed urgently – Ronny Kareni
• Wenda condemns ‘sadistic brutality’ of Indonesian torture of Papuan – calls for UN action
• Other West Papua human rights reports

Hamid said that no one in this world, including in Papua, should be treated inhumanely and their dignity demeaned — let alone to the point of causing the loss of life.

“The statements by senior TNI officials and other government officials about a humanitarian approach and prosperity [in Papua] are totally meaningless.

“It is ignored by the [military] on the ground,” he said.

Hamid said that such incidents were able to be repeated because until now there had been no punishment for TNI members proven to have committed crimes of kidnapping, torture and the loss of life.

Call for fact-finding team
Hamid said Amnesty International was calling for a joint fact-finding team to be formed to investigate the abuse, including urging that an evaluation be carried on to the deployment of TNI soldiers in the land of Papua.

“There must be a sharp reflection on the placement of security forces in the land of Papua which has given rise to people falling victim, both indigenous Papuans, non-Papuans, including the security forces themselves”, he said.

Earlier, a short video containing an act of torture by TNI members went viral on social media. It shows a civilian who has been placed in an oil drum filled with water being tortured by members of the TNI.

TNI Information Centre director (kapuspen) Major-General Nugraha Gumilar has revealed the identity of the person being tortured by the soldiers as allegedly being a member of a pro-independence resistance group — described by Indonesia as an “armed criminal group (KKB)” — named Definus Kogoya.

“The rogue TNI soldiers committed acts of violence against a prisoner, a KKB member by the name of Definus Kogoya at the Gome Post in Puncak Regency, Papua,” he said when sought for confirmation on Saturday.

Despite this, General Gumilar has still has not revealed any further information about the identity of the TNI members who committed the torture. He confirmed only that more than one member was involved in the abuse.

He said an “intensive examination” was still being conducted and he pledged it would be transparent and act firmly against all of the accused torturers.

“Later I will convey [more information] after the investigation is finished, what is clear is that it was more than one person if you see from the video”, he said.

Note:
The video (warning: contains graphic, violent content and viewer discretion is advised) of the Papuan man being tortured by TNI soldiers can be viewed on YouTube at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UJgAHYdLgVo (requires registration)

or on the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) website: ahttps://www.ulmwp.org/president-wenda-a-crime-against-humanity-has-been-committed-in-yahukimo.

[Translated by James Balowski for IndoLeft News. The original title of the article was “Amnesty Desak Evaluasi Penempatan TNI Buntut Aksi Penyiksaan di Papua”.]

New Zealand pilot Phillip Mehrtens has now been held hostage in West Papua for four months. Stalled attempts to negotiate his release, and an unsuccessful Indonesian military rescue attempt, suggest a confused picture behind the scenes.

Members of the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB) kidnapped Mehrtens on February 7, demanding Indonesia recognise West Papua’s independence.

The Nduga regency, where Mehrtens was taken and his plane burnt, is known for pro-independence attacks and military reprisals.

• READ MORE: Two countries, two kidnappings – Port Moresby shows Jakarta how it’s done with 3 PNG hostages freed
• The NZ pilot held hostage in West Papua is the pawn in a conflict only real international engagement can resolve
• How the world failed West Papua in its campaign for independence
• Other West Papua reports

New Zealand’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade has said: “We’re doing everything we can to secure a peaceful resolution and Mr Mehrtens’ safe release, including working closely with the Indonesian authorities and deploying New Zealand consular staff.”

Meanwhile, the Indonesian military (TNI) has continued its military operation to hunt down the TPNPB — including by bombing from aircraft, according to Mehrtens in one of several “proof of life” videos released by the TPNPB.

Early negotiations
From late February, I was authorised by the TPNPB to act as an intermediary with the New Zealand government. This was based on having previously worked with pro-independence West Papuan groups and was confirmed in a video from the TPNPB to the New Zealand government.

In this capacity, I communicated regularly with a New Zealand Police hostage negotiator, including when the TPNPB changed its demands.

The TPNPB had initially said it would kill Mehrtens unless Indonesia recognised West Papua’s independence. But, after agreeing to negotiate, the TPNPB said it would save Mehrtens’ life while seeking to extract concessions from the New Zealand government.

Its current position is that New Zealand stop its citizens from working in or travelling to West Papua, and also cease military support for Indonesia.

In late May, however, frustrated by the lack of response, the TPNPB again said it would kill Mehrtens if talks were not forthcoming.

My involvement with the New Zealand government ended when I was told the government had decided to use another channel of communication with the group. As events have unfolded, my understanding is that the TPNPB did not accept this change of communication channels.

West Papua rebels threaten to shoot New Zealand pilot if independence talks denied https://t.co/03CakUChHu

— The Guardian (@guardian) May 27, 2023

Latest in a long struggle
The TPNPB is led by Egianus Kogeya, son of Daniel Yudas Kogeya, who was killed by Indonesian soldiers in an operation to rescue hostages taken in 1996. The TPNPB is one of a small number of armed pro-independence groups in West Papua, each aligned with a faction of the Free West Papua movement.

The West Papua independence movement grew out of Dutch plans to give West Papua independence. Indonesia argued that Indonesia should be the successor to the Dutch East Indies in its entirety, and in 1963 assumed administration of West Papua with US backing. It formally incorporated West Papua in 1969, after 1035 village leaders were forced at gunpoint to vote for inclusion in Indonesia.

As a result of Indonesians moving to this “frontier”, more than 40 percent of West Papua’s population is now non-Melanesian. West Papuans, meanwhile, are second-class citizens in their own land.

Despite the territory having Indonesia’s richest economic output, West Papuans have among the worst infant mortality, average life expectancy, nutrition, literacy and income in Indonesia.

Critically, freedom of speech is also limited, human rights violations continue unabated, and the political process is riven by corruption, vote buying and violence. As a consequence, West Papua’s independence movement continues.

There have been a number of mostly small military actions and kidnappings highlighting West Papua’s claim for independence.

“Flag-raising” ceremonies and street protests have been used to encourage a sense of unity around the independence struggle.

These have resulted in attacks by the Indonesian military (TNI) and police, leading to killings, disappearances, torture and imprisonment. Human rights advocates suggest hundreds of thousands have died as a result of West Papua’s incorporation into Indonesia.

Illustrating the escalating conflict, in 2018 the TPNPB kidnapped and killed more than 20 Indonesian workers building a road through the Nduga regency. It has also killed a number of Indonesian soldiers, including some of those hunting for Mehrtens.

#OPM leader calls on Biden to take proactive role in ending West Papuan ‘holocaust’ #CafePacific #AsiaPacificReport #WestPapua #HumanRights #JoeBiden #openletter @westpapuamedia @westpapuanews @PNGAttitude @Scott_Waide @EveningReportNZ https://t.co/pPFHveH79i pic.twitter.com/T5JPmndGzD

— David Robie (@DavidRobie) May 16, 2023

Negotiations stalled
TPNPB spokesperson Sebby Sambom has said foreigners were legitimate targets because their governments support Indonesia. Despite Kogeya’s initial claim that Mehrtens would be killed if demands were not met, Sambom and TPNPB diplomatic officer Akouboo Amadus Douw had responded positively to the idea of negotiation for his release.

Since talks broke down, however, the TPNPB has said there would be no further proof-of-life videos of Mehrtens. With the TPNPB’s late May statement that Mehrtens would be killed if New Zealand did not negotiate, his kidnapping seems to have reached a stalemate.

The TPNPB has told me it is concerned that New Zealand may be prioritising its relationship with Indonesia over Mehrtens and has been stalling while the TNI resolves the situation militarily.

At this stage, however, Mehrtens can still be safely released. But it will likely require the New Zealand government to make some concessions in response to the TPNPB’s demands.

Meanwhile, the drivers of the conflict remain. Indonesia continues to use military force to try to crush what is essentially a political problem.

And, while the TPNPB and other pro-independence groups still hope to remove Indonesia from West Papua, they feel they have run out of options other than to fight and to take hostages.

Dr Damien Kingsbury is emeritus professor, School of Humanities and Social Sciences, Deakin University.  This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons licence. Read the original article.

Indonesian security forces have intensified operations in various conflict areas in West Papua, reports Human Rights Monitor.

According to information received by the international watchdog, security force members have raided villages and set residential houses on fire.

The raids reportedly occurred in conflict hotspots in West Papua, predominantly in the Puncak, Nduga, and Intan Jaya regencies, but also in less conflict-affected places such as the districts Elilim and Apahapsili in the Yalimo regency on 1 and 2 April 2023 – two weeks  before last weekend’s clash between Indonesian soldiers and pro-independence militia.

• READ MORE: UK minister grilled on West Papua human rights in House of Lords
• Other West Papua reports

Indigenous Papuans, including women and children, were arrested and tortured.

Observers predicted an aggravation of the conflict weeks ago after the Indonesian military deployed more than 2000 additional personnel to West Papua throughout March 2023.

‘Ground combat ready’
Meanwhile, the Indonesian chief-of-armed forces, General Laksamana Yudo Margono, announced that the mode of operations against the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB) was switched from a “soft approach” to “ground combat ready” operations after a disputed number of soldiers were killed in a firefight with TPNPB members in Nduga on 15 April 2023.

Meanwhile, the increased security force presence comes with government-driven “socialisation” programmes, where military and police members directly interact with local communities.

They participate in collective work, visit schools, and take over or accompany essential healthcare services.

For decades, many indigenous Papuans have been traumatised due to the history of violent military operations in West Papua, says Human Rights Monitor.

They fear becoming victims of arbitrary arrest, torture, killings, or enforced disappearance.

The military presence in schools, health facilities, and churches limits indigenous Papuans from accessing essential public services.

• Human Rights Monitor’s Annual Report 2022

RNZ Pacific

The Indonesian military has officially escalated its operational status in West Papua to “ground combat ready” following a clash with West Papuan National Liberation Army militants over the weekend with multiple casualties reported on both sides.

Military (TNI) commander Admiral Yudo Margono made the announcement in Jakarta yesterday after returning from West Papua.

Admiral Margono said the decision was reached after a “very thorough evaluation” of the joint police and military operation to rescue New Zealand pilot Philip Mehrtens who was taken hostage by the West Papuan pro-independence fighters on February 7.

• READ MORE: Jakarta should ‘learn from the Aceh, Philippines experience’ and talk to West Papuan rebels, says researcher
• Deadly clash in West Papua during Indonesian rescue bid for NZ pilot
• Other West Papua reports

He said it was also in light of the high number of casualties being reported from the clash with the Papuan rebels, who claimed to have killed and captured more than a dozen Indonesian soldiers.

According to The Jakarta Post, TNI claims it used a “a peaceful approach to the rescue operation…to keep the local population safe”.

However, the fatal clashes “altered the outlook” of its operation.

“To deal with such attacks, we will raise the troops’ status to combat ready,” Admiral Yudo told the news outlet.

Call for NZ government to ‘intercede’
Meanwhile, the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB) is calling on the New Zealand government to intercede and de-escalate the tensions in Nduga in Highlands Papua.

RNZ Pacific has also received reports of Indonesian airstrikes on the independence fighters’ positions which their leaders say further endanger the life of Mehrtens.

The rebels are calling for a ceasefire and urging Jakarta and Wellington to stop ignoring their requests for peaceful negotiations.

RNZ Pacific has asked the New Zealand and Indonesian foreign affairs ministries for an update.

An MFAT spokesperson said: “We are aware of the reports but will not be making any comment.

“The welfare of Mehrtens is our top priority. We’re doing everything we can to secure a peaceful resolution and Mehrtens’ safe release, including working closely with the Indonesian authorities and deploying New Zealand consular staff.

“We are also supporting Mehrtens’ family, both here in Aotearoa New Zealand and in Indonesia. They have asked for privacy at this incredibly challenging time,” the MFAT spokesperson added.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Indonesia’s Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) has criticised the appointment of Central Sulawesi State Intelligence Agency (BIN) regional chief (Kabinda) Brigadier-General Andi Chandra As’aduddin as the acting (Pj) regent of Seram Bagian Barat in Maluku province.

The appointment of As’aduddin was based on Home Affairs Ministry Decree Number 113.81-1164, 2022 on the Appointment of an Acting Seram Bagian Barat Regent in Maluku.

Kontras coordinator Fatia Maulidiyanti said that placing TNI (Indonesian military) or Polri (Indonesian police) officers in civilian positions indicates that the state has no interest in the mandate of reformasi — the political reform process that began in 1998.

• READ MORE: Other Indonesian democracy reports

One of these was abolishing the dual socio-political function of the armed forces (then called ABRI) and upholding civilian supremacy over the military.

Yet, according to Maulidiyanti, empty regional leadership posts can be filled by state civil servants with experience in administrative management.

She also questioned why the position had to be filled by a TNI officer.

“This is a betrayal of the mandate of reformasi and democratic values,” Maulidiyanti told Tribune News.

She said that what was frightening was the potential abuse of power.

This, she said, was because TNI officers had their own powers which were then augmented by the civilian position they occupied.

“Instead of promoting democracy, it is instead a return back to the New Order [the ousted regime of former president Suharto],” said Maulidiyanti.

Note:
The next regional elections will not take place until November 27, 2024. Regional heads who end their terms in office before this will be replaced by acting regional heads appointed directly by President Widodo in the case of governors and the Home Affairs Ministry in the case of regents and mayors. In total, there will be 271 regions led by acting regional heads, including 27 governors.

Translated by James Balowski for IndoLeft News. The original title of the article was Kontras Kritik Keras Penunjukan Perwira TNI Aktif Jadi Pj Bupati Seram Barat.

Scores of Papuan activists have held a protest in front of the Army Strategic Reserves Command (Green Berets) headquarters in Central Jakarta, demanding that President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo withdraw military troops from Papua, reports CNN Indonesia.

The protesters, who came from the Pro-Democracy Alliance and the Greater Jakarta Papua Student Alliance (IMAPA), accused the military in Papua of assaulting a primary school child for allegedly stealing a firearm and causing the child’s death.

“[We] demand that the president immediately withdraw the military from the land of Papua,” said one of the speakers in front of the Kostrad building on Monday.

• READ MORE: Wenda backs urgent UN call for action over Papuan child killings, disappearances
• Other West Papua reports

“The primary school kid’s didn’t know it was a firearm. They didn’t know it was theft,” he said.

In an official release, the group also said that joint TNI (Indonesian military) and Polri (Indonesian police) operations following the fatal shooting of Papua regional National Intelligence Agency (BIN) chief Gusti Putu Danny in April last year have resulted in civilian casualties.

They said that the security forces have set fire to residents’ homes and committed violence against local people.

As a consequence, residents have chosen to flee their homes in order to save themselves.

“To the president, immediately withdraw the military in the land of Papua,” called the speaker. “Jokowi is responsible for the oppression in Papua.”

Earlier, on Sunday, February 20, a class 4 primary school student with the initials MT died after being allegedly assaulted by security personnel in the Sinak sub-district of Puncak regency, Papua.

Based on information received from Amnesty International Indonesia, the incident began when MT and six other children were arrested for allegedly stealing a firearm belonging to a TNI member in Sinak.

“Based on local media reports on February 26, two youths allegedly took a firearm belonging to a TNI member in the vicinity of the Tapulinik Sinak Airport, Puncak regency, Papua, on the evening of February 20,” read a tweet on the Twitter account @amnestyindo on Monday February 28.

[BREAKING] Kami juga kembali mendesak pemerintah untuk mempertimbangkan kembali pendekatan keamanan yang digunakan untuk merespon masalah di Papua.

Selengkapnya di https://t.co/79b0sRZdIy

— Amnesty International Indonesia (@amnestyindo) March 4, 2022

Translated by James Balowski for Indoleft News. The original title of the article was Aktivis Papua Demo di Depan Markas Kostrad, Desak Jokowi Tarik Militer.

Indonesian police forcibly broke up a protest marking the 1962 Rome Agreement in front of the US Embassy in Central Jakarta this week and arrested 17 Papuan activists.

One of the demonstrators, former political prisoner Ambrosius Mulait, said the 17 arrested protesters were forcibly taken away by police as soon as they arrived at the US Embassy.

“We hadn’t even started the action and were forced to get into crowd control vehicles,” said Mulait about the protest on Thursday.

• READ MORE: Other West Papuan news reports

Mulait also said that police were “repressive” when they were arresting the protesters by firing teargas until a physical clash broke out between demonstrators and police.

“Some of our comrades were assaulted by the police,” he said.

Central Jakarta district police chief Senior Commissioner Hengki Hariyadi confirmed that 17 Papuan activists were arrested.

Hariyadi said that they did not allow the protest action because Jakarta was currently under a level 3 Enforcement of Restrictions on Public Activities (PPKM) in order to prevent the spread of the covid-19 pandemic.

“During a Level 3 PPKM all activities which have the potential to create crowds are prohibited, in this case they did not have a permit to express an opinion in pubic, so it was without a recommendation from the security forces,” said Hariyadi.

The protest by the Papuan activists made six demands:

• [The right to hold] an action in the context of marking the 59th anniversary of the Rome Agreement [that led to Jakarta’s colonisation of Papua];
• President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo to withdraw all TNI (Indonesian military) and Polri (Indonesian police) from Papua because they were making the situation for the Papuan people “uncomfortable”;
• Release political prisoner Victor Yeimo who is currently in ill health and is being detained at the Mobile Brigade (Brimob) command headquarters in Jayapura;
• Reject the extension of Special Autonomy for Papua which had failed to bring prosperity to the Papuan people;
• Give Papuans the right to self-determination (through a referendum);and
• Reject racism and fully resolve human rights violations in Papua.

IndoLeft News backgrounds the crisis:
The 1962 Rome Agreement was signed by Indonesia, the Netherlands and the United States in Rome on September 30, 1962.

The agreement provided for a postponement of a referendum on West Papua’s status which had been scheduled to be held in 1969 under the New York Agreement signed on August 15, 1962, that the referendum would use a consultative process, that the UN’s report on the implementation of the referendum would be accepted without open debate and on US commitments to invest in resource exploration and provide funds for development programmes in West Papua.

Translated by James Balowski for IndoLeft News. The original title of the article was “Polisi Tangkap 17 Aktivis Papua yang Akan Demo di Depan Kedubes AS”.

Asia Pacific Report correspondent

A former Indonesian military commander has condemned the formal labelling of the West Papuan resistance TPN/OPN as “terrorists”, saying that the Papuan problem was complex and could not be solved by armed force alone.

Among other critics of the tagging are the Papua provincial Governor, Lukas Enembe and a Papuan legal researcher.

General Gatot Nurmantyo, former commander of the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI), said during a live interview on TV-One Indonesia that it was wrong to label the TPN/OPM (National Liberation Army/Free Papua Movement) as a terrorist group.

• READ MORE: Other West Papua tagging articles

He said that Jakarta had tried to use a military solution since the former Dutch colony of Irian Jaya was “integrated” into Indonesia in 1969 without bringing about any change.

“Papua cannot be solved by military operations,” he said.

General Nurmantyo said military operations would not solve the root cause of the conflict in Papua.

He regretted the decision made by President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo’s administration on May 5.

“I am saddened to hear that troops are leaving for Papua to fight. It’s a picture that I think makes me sad,” said the general.

Sad for two reasons
He said he felt sad for two reasons:

• First, Papua was one of the Indonesian provinces and the youngest province of the Unitary State of the Republic.
• Second, based on Government Regulation in Lieu of Acts (PERPU) 59 of 1959, Papua was still under civilian rule. So, the military actions should be mainly territorial, which supported by intelligence and prepared combat operations.

The retired general said that Papuans “are our own people”, so the burden could not be imposed only on the military and police. Executive government and other government agencies should comprehend the real background of the movements and be involved to resolve the prolonged problem in Papua.

“Territorial operations are operations to win the hearts and minds of the people, because what we face is our own people. Do not expect to solve a condition in Papua only with military operations,” said General Nurmantyo.

“I remind you, it will not work, no matter how great it will be. Because the problem is not just that small,” he said.

General Nurmantyo, who has been a former military district commander in Jayapura and Merauke said that Indonesia already had experience in Aceh where the conflict had not been resolved by military operations.

As the PERPU 59 of 1959 was still valid, the governor was the single highest authority. The military was not allowed to carry out operations without coordinating with the local government.

Communication with government
General Nurmantyo said communication with the local government was carried out and measured operations launched.

“Lest the people become victims! How come, in a situation like this we are waging an open war? Seriously!

“Meanwhile, the situation is still very civil. The leader is the governor or local government.

“This is a state regulation. This is different from when Papua would be designated as a military operation,” said General Nurmantyo.

According to a media release received by Asia Pacific Report. Papua Governor Lukas Enembe and the provincial government also objected to the terrorist label given to the KKB (“armed criminal group”), as the Indonesian state refers to the TPNPB (West Papua National Liberation Army).

Key points
Two of the seven points made in the media release said:

• “Terrorism is a concept that has always been debated in legal and political spheres, thus the designation of the KKB as a terrorist group needs to be reviewed carefully and ensure the objectivity of the state in granting this status, and
• “The Papua provincial government pleaded with the central government and the Indonesian Parliament to conduct a re-assessment of the observation of the labeling of KKB as terrorist. We are of the opinion that the assessment must be comprehensive by taking into account the social, economic and legal impacts on Papuans in general.”

A West Papuan legal researcher, who declined to be named, said that the Indonesian government misused the term “terrorism” to undermine the basic human rights of indigenous West Papuans.

So far, the term terrorism had no precise definition and so has no legal definition, said the researcher.

Many of the United Nations member states did not support UN resolution 3034 (XXVII) because it contained a certain degree of disconnection to other international instruments, particularly human rights laws.

Disagreements among the states remained regarding the use of terrorism, especially the exclusion of different categories of terrorism.

Right to self-determination
In particular the exception of the liberation movement groups. Particularly contentious which was the affirmation in 1972 of “the inalienable right to self-determination and independence of all peoples under colonial and racist regimes and other forms of alien domination”.

“The legitimacy of their struggle, in particular, the struggle of national liberation movements by the principles and purposes is represented in the UN charter. Therefore, designating West Papua Liberation Army as a terrorist group by the Indonesian government considered outside the category of the terrorist act,” said the researcher.

“Any definition of terrorism must also, accommodate reasonable claims to political implications, particularly against repressive regimes such as Indonesia towards West Papuans.

“The act of self-determination by Papuans cannot be considered terrorism at all.”

The international community should condemn any regime that is repressive and terrorist acts by colonial, racist and alien regimes in denying peoples their legitimate right to self-determination, independence, and other human rights.

A coherent legal definition of terrorism might help “confine the unilateral misuse” of the term by the national government such as Indonesia against TPNPB/OPM, said the researcher.

The other side of the story was war crimes, crimes against humanity, genocide, oppression, torture and intimidation by the state.

These elements were present in West Papua and they qualified as the act of terrorists and were therefore universally recognised as crimes against humanity and criminals, the researcher said.

The researcher added: “The West Papua army or TPN/OPM are not terrorist groups. They are the victims of terrorism”

This report and the translations have been compiled by an Asia Pacific Report correspondent.

Asia Pacific Report newsdesk

Armed violence has escalated in Puncak Regency in the “land of Papua” – known internationally as West Papua – following President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo’s order to crack down on the rebels seeking independence, reports the Papuan newspaper Jubi.

Widodo ordered the capture of all members of the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB) while the Peoples Consultative Assembly (MPR) Speaker in Jakarta, Bambang Soesatyo, demanded that the government “talk about human rights later” after totally “exterminating” the TPNPB.

“I demand that the government deploy the security forces at full force to exterminate the armed criminal groups (KKP) in Papua which has taken lives. Just eradicate them. Let’s talk about human rights later,” Soesatyo told CNN Indonesia on Monday.

• READ MORE: Indonesian intelligence chief in Papua killed in crossfire
• Papuan leader Benny Wenda responds to Jokowi’s crackdown order

Soesatyo, who last year proposed that 9mm pistols be made legally available to certified gun owners for “self-defence”, also asked the National Counterterrorism Agency (BNPT) to declare the group a terrorist organisation.

The human rights watchdog Setara Institute deemed the politician’s statement would only trigger a spiral of violence and add to the complexity of the Papua conflict, resulting in more casualties.

“Numerous cases of fatal shootings, which have claimed the lives of people, mostly civilians, has shown that the security approach is not the answer to the problem in Papua,” Setara Institute deputy Bonar Tigor Naipospos said in a statement.

Naipospos criticised Soesatyo’s suggestion to brush human rights aside, saying such rights as stipulated in Article 28i of the Constitution, could not be reduced by anyone, in including in war and emergencies.

Stop branding rebels ‘terrorist’
Secretary of Papua Pegunungan Tengah Student Association (AMPTPI) Ikem Wetipo asked the government to stop calling the TPNPB a “terrorist” group or calling for their “killing”, as in Soesatyo’s comment, which justified human rights violations in West Papua.

“Stop making reckless statements, [such as from] the MPR speaker and the President about capturing, eradicating the TPNPB. It means that the state justifies casualties in the process of pursuing the group,” Wetipo said.

Armed conflict has been escalating in Puncak Regency since April 8, 2021, when the TPNPB shot dead Oktavianus Rayo, a teacher in Beoga District suspected by the group as an Indonesian spy.

Since then, five people have died including the intelligence chief in Papua, Major General Anumerta IGP Danny NK, who was killed in crossfire last Sunday. The TPNPB was also accused of burning schools in Beoga.

A Jubi source was told that the Indonesian Military (TNI) and the National Police were seen pursuing the TPNPB troops in North Ilaga District since Tuesday at 9 am local time.

“We saw the security forces in three helicopters, [flying over] in Misimaga, Efesus, and Tegelobak Village. The helicopter landed at the Mayuberi creek, [then flew and] has not returned. Whether [the helicopter] has gone to Sinak or Beoga, we don’t know,” he said.

At 5 pm, firefights broke out between the TPNPB led by Lekagak Telenggen and the TNI and police in Makki, Misimaga, Efesus, and Tegelobak Village. The security forces also reportedly bombarded the villages, prompting villagers to evacuate to churches, forests, and nearby villages such as Tanah Merah and Gome.

No civilian casualties
There were no reports of civilian casualties reported by yesterday.

However, two Mobile Brigade (Brimob) personnel were wounded and one died in the crossfire, Papua Police spokesperson Senior Commander Ahmad Musthofa Kamal confirmed.

The wounded policemen are Second Insp. Anton Tonapa who was reportedly shot in the back and Chief Brigadier M Syaifudin, shot in the stomach. Meanwhile, Second Agent Komang died of a gunshot wound.

All wounded military personnel have been evacuated to Mimika General Hospital.

Meanwhile, TPNPB commander Egianus Kogeya claimed his party had shot dead three TNI members in Nduga Regency on Monday, who Kogeya accused of burning five houses in Alguru District.

TPNPB spokesperson Sebby Sambom, responded to Jokowi’s order and Soesatyo’s statement, saying the group would never back down in the face of the Indonesian government’s military operations.

“TPNPB is ready,” Sambom told Jubi.

“We are standing on our own land. Indonesia with the TNI and police are the thieves coming to steal our natural resources while killing us,” he said.

Sambom urged the Indonesian government to act in a “democratic” way and send a negotiator, instead of security forces, to meet with the TPNPB.

“We warn President Jokowi not to sacrifice any more [Indonesian] soldiers. President Jokowi must be open to negotiations with TPNPB’s negotiators,” he said.

Intan Jaya has started Lent with bitter sorrow after losing three young Papuan men alleged to have been shot and brutally tortured to death by the Indonesian military in a local health centre.

Sources said that the armed conflict has caused more than 1000 indigenous West Papuans in Intan Jaya evacuate to the church complex of the Catholic Church of Santo Mikael Bilogai.

Suara Papua reports that the TNI (Indonesia National Army) beat and tortured three youths to death at the Bilogai Health Center, Intan Jaya.

• READ MORE: W Papua group denies army claims over killings
• Other West Papua reports

Last Monday morning (February 15), there was a shooting by the TPNPB (West Papua National Liberation Army) in Intan Jaya in which a TNI soldier was killed.

The TNI conducted sweeps around the village of Mamba and a young man, civilian Janius Bagau, was shot in the left arm.

At noon, Bagau was evacuated to the Puskesmas (health centre) in a car belonging to the regent from the crime scene in Amaesiga, reports said.

Two other young men, Justinus Bagau and Soni Bagau, from the victim’s family were in the car to look after the victim at the Puskesmas while he received medical treatment.

Tortured, beaten to death
At the health centre, the TNI came during the night and interrogated the three men while torturing and beating them to death, the reports said.

“Janius is the victim who was previously shot from Amaesiga. The two people [Soni and Justinus] were healthy. They were at the Puskesmas to look after Janius. But they were examined and interrogated, then beaten until all three died at the Puskesmas last night,” said a source who did not want to be named.

They were beaten to death at the Bilogai Health Centre in Yokatapa, Sugapa.

“Soni Bagau and Justinus Bagau, both of them joined the Regent’s car, which brought Janius Bagau from Amaesiga to the Bilogai Health Center so that the victim would receive treatment,” the source explained.

The three victims were reportedly buried in Tambabuga, Bilogai Village. The location of these three burials is not far from the official residence of the Intan Jaya regent.

There is widespread opposition to the central government plan for extending the special autonomy status over two Indonesian-ruled Melanesian provinces, Papua and West Papua provinces (collectively known as West Papua).

Meanwhile, the fate of 45,000 refugees from Nduga still remains unclear.

A source said there had been a further displacement of about 1000 people in Intan Jaya from the districts heavily occupied by police and military forces.

The atmosphere on Saturday morning, 19 September 2020, in the courtyard of the Elementary School for the Education and Schooling Foundation of Evangelical Churches in Tanah Papua or YPPGI Hitadipa was tense. The Indonesian army gathered Hitadipa civilians in a school yard that had been occupied by the TNI (Indonesia National Army) and made it the Headquarters of the Sub-District Military Command or the Hitadipa Preparation Koramil (Military Rayon Commando).

A number of Hitadipa Preparatory Koramil soldiers said the TNI had given two days for the West Papuan residents to return the SS1 firearms which had been lost two days earlier, on September 17. SS1 were seized by the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB) in an attack that killed Serka Sahlan.

The threat clearly shows the separatist stigmatisation attached to Hitadipa civilians. This threat frightened Hitadipa civilians who were burdened with returning the weapons they had never taken.

• READ MORE: Part 1: The Intan Jaya conflict: A risk of more widespread violence in future
• Part 2: The Intan Jaya conflict 2: Violence at the cost of many civilian lives
• Part 3: The Intan Jaya conflict 3: New autonomous region, new conflict

The gathering of residents on Saturday morning was not attended by Pastor Jeremiah Zanambani. Since morning, he and his wife, Miriam Zoani, had been going to Bomba, a small village on the hillside south of Kampung Hitadipa, cultivating their garden and repairing their pigpen.

“[Since] Friday night, Father said on Saturday he wanted to help Mama finish or build a garden first, because on Monday [Father] wanted to go up to the assignment. On that Saturday, September 19, both Father and I went to the garden that is in the same location as the pig pen,” said Mama Miriam.

“Father finished the fence in the pig pen, while I harvested the sweet potatoes. While we were working, around 13.00 noon in Hitadipa there were gunshots.

“When we heard the gunshots, we entered the pig pen and closed the door, because the TNI had told us that if we heard gunshots, we had to enter the house and lock the door.” [1]

Gunfire from attack
The gunshots heard by Mama Miriam was gunfire when the TPNPB attacked the Hitadipa Preparatory Koramil Headquarters. The TPNPB attack killed Pratu Dwi Akbar Utomo, a 711/Raksatama Infantry Battalion soldier based in Gorontalo Province, Sulawesi.[2]

He was part of a squad of troops who were seconded to guard the Hitadipa Preparation Koramil.

The incident started the movement of TNI troops pursuing TPNPB and combing a small village called Taundugu. The series of events culminated in the shooting that killed Pastor Jeremiah Zanambani.

After the shooting of Pastor Yeremia Zanambani, Head of Information for the Joint Defense Region Command III, Col. Czi IGN Suriastawa, made a unilateral statement, saying Pastor Yeremia Zanambani was shot by the TPNPB.

“They are seeking attention at the UN General Assembly later this month,” said Suriastawa.[3]

Suriastawa’s claim was quoted by various media in Jakarta, forming public opinion outside Papua. However, the public in Papua finds it difficult to believe the TNI’s claim that Pastor Yeremia Zanambani was killed by the TPNPB.

Pastor Yeremia Zanambani is a respected religious figure in Papua. He is the former chairman of the Hitadipa Indonesian Bible Tent Church (GKII) class. Until his death, Pastor Yeremia Zanambani also served as chair of the Bible Theology College in Hitadipa, as well as adviser to GKII Region 3 Papua in Hitadipa.

Linguist and translator
He is also a linguist and translator of the Bible scriptures from Indonesian to Moni, the language of the indigenous people in Intan Jaya.

“In the ministry, the Pastor’s daily work is in two churches. The first is in the Bahtera Church congregation in Janamba, the second is in Bulapa. Father also joined the Bible translation team from Indonesian to Moni, so Father often went to Timika or Nabire,” said Mama Miriam.

“Father is also a teacher at the Upper Theological School in Sugapa. Usually, the Father with his family and children in Hitadipa is Friday, Saturday and Sunday,” said Mama Miriam.[4]

A number of human rights advocacy activists and churches are trying to find comparable information about what actually happened in Intan Jaya on September 19, 2020. They received testimony from Hitadipa that the shooting of Pastor Yeremia Zanambani was carried out by TNI soldiers.

The murder was part of a series of violence in Hitadipa since October 25, 2019, when the TPNPB shot dead three motorcycle taxi drivers. Pastor Yeremia Zanambani is the 14th victim of a series of armed conflicts that occurred in Intan Jaya Regency since 25 October 2019.

Since then, until 19 September 2020, at least 10 civilians have died at the hands of the warring parties in Intan Jaya and a total of eight other civilians were wounded. During the same period, a total of four security forces were killed in Intan Jaya.

After the shooting of Pastor Yeremia Zanambani, violence in Intan Jaya continued. Agustinus Duwitau, a catechist from Emondi Station, Timika Diocese Catholic Church, was shot by TNI soldiers on 7 October 2020. Duwitau, who was injured, was then treated in Sugapa.

Another catechist shooting
On 26 October 2020, TNI soldiers shot Rufinus Tigau, a catechist from the Bilogai Parish, the Catholic Church of the Timika Diocese. The shooting that killed Rufinus Tigau took place in Kampung Jalai, Intan Jaya.

The widespread violence that victimised civilians shows that the TNI did not fully control the excesses of their military operations in Intan Jaya.

The legal process for various cases of violence perpetrated by TNI soldiers is also minimal. Of the various cases of violence in Hitadipa, only the burning of the health personnel’s official home in Taundugu has reached the stage of investigation.

The Indonesian Army Military Police Center (Puspomad) named eight Indonesian Army soldiers as suspects in the arson case.[5]

Until early November 2020, hundreds of civilians in Hitadipa district and a number of other districts had fled. Since 19 September 2020, Mama Miriam has never returned to Hitadipa, and has never seen the tomb of her husband, Pastor Jeremiah Zanambani.

“We can’t go back there. We are afraid because there are still TNI there. We want them out so we can go there. We feel threatened, because from the start they have conveyed the language of threat to the church and society,” she said.

“It is now hard for us to go home. Until now, we also don’t know where Father is in the grave,” said Mama Miriam.[6]

“We walked back and forth and didn’t know where to come back. We don’t know, we go home whether we are safe or not.”

Translated from the original Tabloid Jubi article by a special Pacific Media Watch correspondent. Jubi articles are republished by Asia Pacific Report with permission.

Notes:
[1] Wawancara (Interview), Miriam Zoani, 23 October 2020.

[2] https://news.okezone.com/read/2020/09/20/340/2280867/2-prajurit-tni-gugur-ditembak-kkb-di-intan-jaya-papua

[3] https://www.cnnindonesia.com/nasional/20200920144515-12-548604/tni-sebut-pendeta-tewas-ditembak-kkb-papua, 20 September 2020.

[4] Wawancara (Interview), Miriam Zoani, 23 October 2020.

[5] https://jubi.co.id/papua-delapan-oknum-tni-ad-tersangka-pembakaran/

[6] Wawancara (Interview), Miriam Zoani, 23 October 2020.

The Papua Province Humanitarian Team for Cases of Violence Against Religious Figures in Intan Jaya District [referred to as the Humanitarian Team from now on], has completed documenting the cases of extrajudicial killing of Pastor Yeremia Zanambani on 19 September 2020. This report documents facts about Pastor Zanambani’s murder.
It also provides an analysis of the context of violence by significant security actors, namely the TNI (Indonesian National Armed Forces) and TPNPB (National Liberation Army of West Papua), and its impact on civilians in Intan Jaya district.

The shooting of Pastor Jeremiah Zanambani’s incident cannot be seen as an isolated event. There has been previous incidents of violence since 17-19 September 2020. Starting with the gathering of Hitadipa residents twice on 19 September 2020, at 9am and 12 noon at the headquarters of the Hitadipa Preparation Koramil and the Imanuel Hitadipa Church yard. In the gathering of residents, Pastor Yeremia Zanambani – along with five other residents – was branded an “enemy” by the Deputy Commander of the Sub-District Military (Wadanramil) Alpius Hasim Madi.

The intimidation and threats given by Madi to make the residents return rifles belonging to the TNI made several residents present cry out in fear. An hour later, the TPNPB attack on the Preparatory Koramil Headquarters resulted in the death of Pratu Dwi Akbar Utomo. In that incident, the official house of the health worker in Taundugu was burned by TNI officers, then the shooting and stabbing took place which killed Pastor Yeremia Zanambani.

• READ MORE: Part 1: The Intan Jaya conflict: A risk of more widespread violence in future
• Part 2: The Intan Jaya conflict 2: Violence at the cost of many civilian lives
• Part 3: The Intan Jaya conflict 3: New autonomous region, new conflict

Pastor Zanambani is not the first victim in a series of police violence in Intan Jaya. He is the 10th civilian victim who has been shot at Intan Jaya between October 2019 and 2020. The armed conflict that has occurred in Intan Jaya since October 2019 is the latest in the series of violent episodes that have emerged since the Intan Jaya regency was formed in 2008.

The Humanitarian Team documented four problem groups in analysing the violence in Intan Jaya. First, there were changes in the characteristics of the conflict in Intan Jaya over several periods – 2014-2016, 2017-2018, and 2019-2020.

In the 2014-2016 period, Intan Jaya district was marked by several cases of violence perpetrated by the Indonesian security forces against civilians. According to the Humanitarian Team’s records, violence involving Brimob (Mobile brigade) members caused at least one citizen to die, and at least 21 residents were wounded.

Meanwhile, another security apparatus committed an additional case in which one civilian victim was killed. The violence was not directly related to political reasons but was incidental with personal motives or as a result of provocation.

Entering the beginning of 2017 to 2018, regional head elections (Pilkada) rivalry added to the dynamics of the conflict in Intan Jaya. The clash occurred between sympathisers of the regent candidate pair Yulius Yapugau-Yunus Kalabetme and the incumbent Natalis Tabuni-Robert Kobogoyauw.

Three residents killed, 101 wounded
At least three residents died, and 101 others were wounded. As tensions escalated, the Papua police called in reinforcements for security. This tension has increased the fragility of the civilian government in responding to local security dynamics.

The change in the characteristics of the conflict in Intan Jaya has been clear since 25 October 2019. Intan Jaya has become a new armed conflict zone in Papua, due to the presence of two significant security actors, namely the TNI and TPNPB.

Violence has been escalating in the conflict since the shooting incident of Indonesian Army soldiers on 17 December 2019 to 6 November 2020.

The results of the Humanitarian Team documentation show that there were 17 cases of violence committed by both the TNI and TPNPB. The violence resulted in 17 deaths. A total of 12 civilians were killed, including a child.

The shift in the conflict trend is a significant change, because previously Intan Jaya district was not included in the conflict zone between the TNI and TPNPB. Previous conflicts were more related to communal issues, land ownership issues, clashes between residents and various other disturbances to security and public order.

When social conflicts such as tribal wars occur, traditional value-based conflict resolution is carried out by warring community groups to find a middle way.

The expansion of Intan Jaya from Paniai Regency in 2008 had implications for changing the trend of the conflict. The struggle for power by local elites through Pilkada elections in 2017 has had an impact on the legitimacy of the local government and its effectiveness.

On the one hand, the addition of organic and non-organic troops for the sake of securing the Pilkada election and in responding to various local security dynamics afterwards, has significantly increased the role of the TNI-Polri in the regency with a population of 49,293 people.

Struggle consolidated
On the other hand, TPNPB is increasingly consolidating its struggle by expanding Kodap [1] and reunification. After the TPNPB Summit in Biak Numfor on 1-5 May 2012, TPNPB already has 33 Kodap throughout Papua.

Intan Jaya itself is included in Kodap VIII. Internal consolidation was also strengthened by a meeting of Reunification and the Declaration of Unity and Unity of the TPNPB-Free Papua Organisation on 1 August 2019 Ilaga, Puncak Regency.[2]

Since then, the intensity of the conflict between the TNI-TPNPB has increased in Intan Jaya district.

The interaction of these various factors contributed directly or indirectly to the changes in the characteristics of the conflict in Intan Jaya regency in 2014-2020. Now, Intan Jaya regency has become a new zone for a deadly security conflict.

According to the Humanitarian Team’s record, the highest number of victims in the conflict between the TNI and TPNPB were civilians, both Papuan and non-Papuan.

Second, it is difficult to obtain clear information about the addition of organic and non-organic troops to the TNI/Polri operations in Intan Jaya. After the restructuring of the TNI organisation on 27 September 2019, the Humanitarian Team also found it difficult to identify the division of tasks among stakeholders such as the XVII/Cenderawasih Regional Military Command, Korem 173/PVB, and Kogabwilhan III.

However, Kogabwilhan III seems to have more authority and plays a role in security operations in Intan Jaya.

Information dissemination
Throughout the series of violent and armed conflicts in Intan Jaya, information dissemination to the public was mostly carried out by the Kogabwilhan III Information.

After the shooting of Pastor Yeremia Zanambani, for example, the Head of Information for the Joint Defence Region Command III, Colonel Czi IGN Suriastawa, made a unilateral statement, saying that Pastor Zanambani was shot by the TPNPB. In the previous period, the delivery of similar information was mostly carried out by the XVII/Cenderawasih Military Command Information.

The implication is that it is difficult to ensure the accountability of the TNI for various human rights violations in Intan Jaya. The lack of independent and impartial investigations into various violence in TNI operations in Intan Jaya has further strengthened the structure of violence within the institution, including the practice of impunity.

Apart from the lack of information regarding the presence of TNI troops in Intan Jaya, the TNI has also violated International Humanitarian Law for occupying YPPGI Hitadipa Elementary School. The school was even used as the Headquarters of the Hitadipa Preparation Koramil (Military Rayon Commando). The use of public facilities for war purposes violates human rights. This deprivation has taken away the rights of students to attend school.

Third, there is neglect of victims’ rights to justice and reparation after various violent events since October 2019. In a number of cases of extrajudicial killings, there is minimal investigation and legal process against the TNI members involved. Until November 12, 2020, only the case of burning the official house of health workers in Taundugu has reached the investigation stage. The Indonesian Army Military Police Center (Puspomad) named eight Indonesian Army soldiers as suspects in the arson case.[3]

The lack of legal proceedings for various extrajudicial killings by security forces has resulted in impunity. People in Intan Jaya do not have access to justice and remedies for the various human rights violations that have occurred.

The Declaration of Basic Principles of Justice for Victims of Crime and Abuse of Power defines victims as “people who individually or in groups have suffered harm, including physical or mental injury, emotional suffering, economic loss or real deprivation of basic rights, either because of actions (by act) or because of negligence (by omission)”. So that the people of Hitadipa and Intan Jaya who experience direct and structural violence as a result of the conflict by security actors have the right to feel safe. Therefore, the State is obliged to guarantee justice and restoration of rights (reparations) for the people of Intan Jaya.

Fourth, the escalation of violence between the TNI-TPNPB also has an impact on the problem of refugees. Based on data compiled from the Indonesian Gospel Tent Church (GKII), the Timika Diocese Catholic Church and the Intan Jaya regency government, around 466 people were displaced.

Scattered in districts
They are scattered in several districts around Intan Jaya Regency and several other districts such as Nabire, Mimika and Puncak. This number is estimated to be even higher due to the difficulty of collecting data by the Humanitarian Team. In addition, the feeling of trauma experienced by residents causes fear of reporting to government agencies.

The large number of patrols by security forces in Sugapa and Hitadipa districts has also made it difficult for church pastors to record the overall distribution of refugees.

The problem of refugees from the previous armed conflict, such as refugees from Nduga district, for example, also shows a tendency for many civilians to flee into the forest, moving away from residential centres or government locations where the security forces are based.

Data collection difficulties will cause various humanitarian problems such as limited access to basic needs such as food, adequate housing, sanitation, education and health. The presence of refugee women, children and elderly people also require immediate special attention.

Another urgent matter is the fulfilment of security guarantees for the refugees to return to their hometowns to celebrate Christmas.

Fifth, the existence of the Wabu gold block risks triggering a new conflict (a resource war). Previous findings indicate a causal relationship between exploitation of natural resources, armed conflict and escalation of violence.[4]

In the analysis of the conflict in Papua, injustice in natural resource management has become one of the triggers.[5] Such exploitative development has an impact on the marginalization of local communities. With the social, political, economic and cultural background of the people of Intan Jaya, the patterns of injustice and marginalisation could worsen in the future.

Conflict-triggering elements
When people’s grievances due to imbalances in the distribution of results coincide with other conflict-triggering elements, other significant actors can construct these grievances to legitimise new violence. Because the most worrying thing about strategic natural resources such as gold is the manipulative competition between parties with different interests.[6]

The plan to mine the Wabu gold block in the midst of a situation of armed conflict between the TNI and TPNPB, will only lead to a conflict that is more complicated to resolve. TPNPB has conveyed its rejection of the Wabu block mining existence and specifically asked the Governor of Papua to withdraw the recommendation letter for the Special Mining Business Permit Area (WIUPK) Number 540/11625/SET issued in Jayapura on 24 July 2020.[7]

This resistance can produce a new cycle of violence if marginalisation worsens and the government continues to prioritise a security approach in its conflict resolution.

The Humanitarian Team’s findings indicate the risk of more widespread violence and conflict in the future. The security approach chosen by the government is dangerous, because the security forces have shown no attempt to change the culture of violence inherent in their institutional structures.

Groups of security forces have even shown a tendency to obscure the facts of the various violations they have committed, in order to protect perpetrators from legal traps by continuing to practice impunity.

The shooting of Pastor Yeremia Zanambani was an extrajudicial murder that violated human rights, international law, and the Indonesian Constitution. Pastor Jeremiah’s case proved not to be the last case, because afterwards there were the murders of two catechists of the Timika diocese.

The culture of violence inherent in the TNI institutional structure can only be changed if the practice of impunity is stopped by bringing the perpetrators of violence to justice.

To the Humanitarian Team, Mama Miriam Zoani, wife of the late Pastor Zanambani and family hopes that the security forces will leave Hitadipa, so that she can see the pastor grave for the first time. Mama Miriam Zoani also hopes that the displaced people will return to their homes, and together with their families do a thanksgiving service after Pastor Zanambani ‘s death.

It seems simple to most people. However, the presence of TNI officers in Hitadipa made it difficult for the family of Pastor Yeremia Zanambani to make it “simple”.

Translated from the original Tabloid Jubi article by a special Pacific Media Watch correspondent. Jubi articles are republished by Asia Pacific Report with permission.

Notes:
[1] Kodap adalah nama satuan teritorial TPNPB, yang biasanya berbasis kepada wilayah administrasi kabupaten di Papua.

[2] https://suarapapua.com/2019/08/14/perkuat-tpnpb-goliat-tabuni-cs-tolak-organisasi-tandingan/

[3] https://jubi.co.id/papua-delapan-oknum-tni-ad-tersangka-pembakaran/

[4] Edward Aspinall. The Construction of Grievance. Natural Resources and Identity in a Separatist Conflict. Journal of Conflict Resolution. 51(6), December 2017.

[5] The Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) mentions four roots of conflict in Papua, including the history of integration, political violence and human rights violations, development failures and problems of marginalization and inconsistency in the special autonomy policy. Various inequalities in development due to exploitation of natural resources cause social jealousy and become the root of conflict. According to Amich Alhumami, there are two main dimensions of the Papua conflict, namely the economic dimension and political domination. The economic dimension relates to the massive exploitation of natural resources without benefiting local communities. A sense of injustice due to economic problems can lead to conflict in the political sphere. See Suma Riella and Cahyo Pamungkas. Updating Papua Road Map. Peace Process, Youth Politics and Papuan Diaspora. (Jakarta: Yayasan Pustaka Obor Indonesia, 2017)

[6] Ichsan Malik. Resolusi Konflik, Jembatan Perdamaian (Jakarta: Penerbit Buku Kompas, 2017)

[7] https://suarapapua.com/2020/10/25/tpnpb-tegas-menolak-penambangan-emas-blok-b-wabu-intan-jaya/

The Papua Province Humanitarian Team for Cases of Violence Against Religious Figures in Intan Jaya Regency, Haris Azhar, has announced the results of their investigation into the shooting of Pastor Yeremia Zanambani who was allegedly shot by a rogue Indonesian military (TNI) officer in Hitadipa District, Intan Jaya, on September 19, reports CNN Indonesia.

Azhar said that the shooting of Pastor Zanambani began with an incident which occurred on September 17. At the time, an exchange of fire had occurred between TNI personnel and a group from the Free Papua Organisation (OPM) in the Sugapa Lama area.

During the incident, one TNI officer was killed and a TNI assault rifle was seized by the OPM.

• READ MORE: Other reports on the killing of pastor Yeremia Zanamani

Following the incident, the TNI summoned several members of the Hitadipa community one by one. During the meetings, the TNI said they wanted the firearms taken by the OPM to be returned.

“This message was accompanied with the threat that if they’re not returned the Hitadipa district would be bombed. This continued through to the next day, September 18,” Azhar said during a virtual press conference this week on Thursday.

Azhar said that the TNI again gathered community members together on the grounds in front of the sub-district military command (Koramil) on September 19. The Koramil commander gave the community two days to return the firearms.

Later on the same day, about 12 noon, the community was again gathered in front of the Immanuel 1 Church by a TNI officer called Alpius.

Military list of named ‘enemies’
Alpius was said to have already recorded and compiled information on six members of the Hitadipa community who were deemed to be “enemies” and the TNI and the Indonesian police regarded it “appropriate to wage war” on them.

One of the six people named had been Pastor Yeremia Zanambani.

“As a consequence of this statement the housewives and men, including the pastors and shepherds broke down in tears before Alpius,” Azhar said.

Azhar said that a member of Zanambani’s family, Meriam Zoani, held a meeting with the group of TNI soldiers led by Alpius at the end of the Hitadipa landing field at around 2.55 pm. A large number of TNI soldiers had gathered there.

Zoani was shocked and frightened at seeing how large the group of TNI soldiers were and that they were led by Alpius.

Azhar explained that Alpius was a TNI soldier assigned to Hitadipa district who Zanambani had treated as his own son. Alpius often visited Zanambani’s home to shower, eat with the family and to collect water for a garden Alpius tended.

“Alpius himself usually called Merriam ‘Mama’. Mama and the pastor also knew that Alpius often visited and was well known by local residents,” said Azhar.

Soldiers headed to pigpens
According to Azhar, furnished with information that Zanambani was at his pigpen, at 3.50 pm Alpius, along with three other TNI members, headed off to where Zanambani kept his pigs.

Two TNI members remained at a distance of about 25 metres from the Intan Jaya regency main road while two others, including Alpius, headed towards the pigpens.

“Straight away an order of ‘hands up’ [was heard] to which Zanambani with raised hands responded to by saying ‘I am a servant of God'”, said Azhar.

Azhar said that despite this the two TNI soldiers fired two shots in Zanambani’s direction. One shot hit his left arm and the other hit the pigpen wall. Zanambani immediate fell to the ground.

As well as being shot, Zanambani was also allegedly stabbed in the back with a sharp weapon.

Concerned about Zanambani’s whereabouts after he failed to return home, at around 6 pm, Zoani plucked up the courage to go to the pigpen to try to find him.

Upon arriving at the pigpen, Zoani was shocked to find Zanambani sprawled on the ground and covered in blood. Despite this Zanambani was still able to speak.

‘What happened?’
“‘I asked him why? What happened?’. The pastor answered ‘it was the person we gave food to who shot and stabbed [me]'”, said Azhar quoting from the conversation between Zoani and Zanambani.

Azhar said that Zanambani died shortly afterwards.

Azhar said Zanambani had suffered a serious gunshot wound to his left arm which resulted in heavy bleeding. In addition to this, Zanambani was also stabbed in the back of his neck by a military blade. The injury also resulted in significant bleeding.

Azhar said Zanambani was shot by a standard military weapon and it was suspected that he had been shot from a distance of approximately 1 metre. This was because the object that struck his body was a bullet which hit his upper arm.

“A 7-10 cm straight vertical slice was visible on the skin,” Azhar said.

Azhar said that the gunshot was more than just a flesh wound, adding that Zanambani’s armed was almost shot off. But, said Azhar, there were no witnesses or statements from those who initially picked up the victim or who had accompanied him following the attack.

“A bullet was found, a wound was also found on the upper rear part of the victim’s body, suspected to be a result of a sharp weapon. Resulting in an injury which caused serious blood loss,” said Azhar.

Military reluctance to respond
When confirmation was sought by CNN Indonesia from the military, TNI information centre head Major-General Achmad Riad was reluctant to respond to the investigation’s findings. Riad asked that the issue be referred to the Ministry for Security, Politics and Legal Affairs (Kemenko Polhukam).

“Please confirm it with the Kemenko Polhukam in the name of the state which established the official TGPF”, said Riad, referring to the government-sanctioned Intan Jaya Fact Finding Team (TGPF) formed by Security Chief Mahfud MD in early October to investigate Zanambani’s death.

The head of the Intan Jaya TGPF field investigation team meanwhile, Benny Mamoto, stated that they have more complete findings on the incident. He was responding to the presence of the Intan Jaya independent humanitarian team led by Azhar.

“The TGPF’s findings are more complete because the information was sourced from members of Indonesian police (including investigators) and TNI members, as well as the victim’s family and religious figures, social figures,” said Mamoto in a text message sent to CNN Indonesia on Thursday.

Although the TGPF already has findings from the field, Mamoto said that they were not at liberty to cite the names of the parties involved.

He explained that that the TGPF was only tasked with gathering information or data in the field. All of this data has been handed over to the commander of the TNI, the national police chief, the army’s chief of staff, the head of the National Intelligence Agency (BIN) and the Minister for Home Affairs to be followed up on.

“It’s not possible for the TGPF to cite names because it’s not the TGPF’s prerogative,” said Mamoto.

No authority to name suspects
Mamoto said that the TGPF did not have the authority to determine the perpetrators or name suspects and is restricted to gathering data from the field.

“The ones who have the authority to determine the perpetrators or suspects are the investigators after they’ve collected two pieces of evidence [as required under Indonesia’s Criminal Code],” said Mamoto who is also Executive Director of the National Police Commission.

“Up until the last point [in the investigation] we had yet to find an eyewitness to the shooting incident so it would be inelegant to mention the perpetrator’s name,” he added.

Earlier, the Intan Jaya TGPF formed by Mahfud MD finished its investigation into Pastor Yeremia Zanambani’s killing. Mahfud said that there are suspicions of the involvement of the security forces in the killing.

Translated by James Balowski for Indo-Left News. The original title of the article was “Investigasi Tim Kemanusiaan: Pendeta Yeremia Ditembak TNI”.

An Indonesian government-sanctioned joint fact-finding team has reported that it found indications that security forces were involved in the shooting of Papuan pastor Yeremia Zanambani after investigating a series of shootings in Intan Jaya regency, Papua.

The team gave its findings to the Office of the Coordinating Political, Legal and Human Rights Minister this week and Coordinating Minister Mahfud MD disclosed several key points from the 14-day investigation.

“Regarding the killing of pastor Yeremia Zanambani on September 19, the information and facts obtained by the team in the field indicate the alleged involvement of elements of security forces, even though there’s also a possibility that a third party was behind [the killing],” Mahfud said during a press conference.

• READ MORE: Murder of Intan Jaya pastor part of series of violence: Komnas HAM
• Military accused of shooting dead a Papuan pastor

Additionally, the team reported that an “armed criminal group” – a description frequently given to pro-independence rebels – was allegedly behind the killings of two military officers and a civilian on September 17.

Mahfud said the government would follow up on the findings, ordering the National Police and Attorney-General’s Office to solve the cases by following the applicable criminal and state administrative laws.

The coordinating minister would also pass on the findings to the National Police, the Indonesian Military (TNI) and the State Intelligence Agency for further investigation.

Furthermore, Mahfud also recommended that the government equip vulnerable areas with better security to provide safety to locals.

No witnesses found
National Police Commission (Kompolnas) head and fact-finding team chief Benny Mamoto said that the team found no eyewitnesses of Zanambani’s killer and that the team was open to all possibilities regarding who was behind the killings.

“There are findings from this fact-finding team that are very, very significant. From my perspective, it should not take [law enforcement] a long time to start investigating them,” Mamoto said during the conference.

The team concluded its field investigation last week after conducting crime scene investigations and questioning around 42 witnesses.

During the fieldwork, two members of the team, Gadjah Mada University (UGM) lecturer Bambang Purwoko and TNI soldier First Sgt. Faisal Akbar, were wounded after being shot at by a pro-independence group, the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB).

Previously, the Indonesian Communion of Churches, the Indonesian Evangelical Christian Church (GKII) and local media in Papua said that Zanambani was allegedly shot by TNI personnel on his way to his pig pen on September 19, at the same time a military operation was reportedly taking place.

Moch. Fiqih Prawira Adjie reports for The Jakarta Post.

By Benny Mawel and Budi Sutrisno in Jayapura and Jakarta

The killing of Pastor Yeremia Zanambani in Intan Jaya regency, Papua, last weekend – allegedly carried out by personnel from the Indonesian military (TNI) – is the third case targeting a churchman in Papua since 2004, says a church fellowship.

The TNI has denied involvement in all three killings, accusing pro-independence rebels of killing two of them and claiming that the other one was not actually dead.

Human rights institutions have called on the government to open an independent investigation to shed light on the killings.

• READ MORE: Indonesian military accused of shooting dead a pastor – call for an inquiry
• Killing of Papuan clergyman sparks information clash, congregations flee

The president of the Papuan Baptist Churches Fellowship, Rev Socratez Sofyan Yoman, has alleged that prior to Yeremia, TNI members had shot dead two other pastors – Geyimin Nirigi and Elisa Tabuni – in separate incidents.

Geyimin was killed in Mapenduma district, Nduga regency, on December 19, 2018, he said, adding that the victim was reportedly forced to dig a grave in the backyard of his house, before being shot dead and his body burned.

“[Geyimin] had been a church pioneer since 1963. He was an old man, a figure who had received the gospel in Nduga,” Rev Socratez said.

Socratez said a TNI spokesman at that time had denied the allegation, saying Geyimin was alive and well.

Investigation results
However, he added, the results of an investigation by the Papuan Human Integrity Justice and Peace Foundation showed that Geyimin had died, allegedly at the hands of TNI personnel.

Meanwhile, Elisa Tabuni was reportedly handcuffed and shot dead by members of the Army’s Special Forces (Kopassus) in Tingginambut district, Puncak Jaya regency, on August 16, 2004, Rev Socratez said.

He said the TNI had also denied this allegation, claiming that Tabuni had died at the hands of Goliath Tabuni, a pro-independence leader based in the district.

Rev Socratez strongly condemned the recent killing of Pastor Zanambani, as well as the other two cases, saying that it was “an accursed act before God and man”.

“The cruelty, violence and savagery of the TNI against the pastors is an affront to humanity and should be condemned,” he said.

Local news reports in Papua have reported that Pastor Zanambani was shot dead on his way to his pig pen on Saturday, at the same time as a military operation was taking place.

Rev Socratez said at least seven churches had been emptied, with many members of the congregations fleeing into the forests, as a result of military operations in Papua.

Rev Zanambani was the head of a theological school in Hitadipa district in Intan Jaya and a pastor in the Imanuel Hutadipa congregation of the Indonesian Evangelical Christian Church (GKII). He was also a Bible translator and a community leader of the Moni tribe.

Moni tribe investigating
Executives of the GKII and the Indonesian Communion of Churches (PGI), as well as figures from the Moni tribe, are currently probing the incident.

The PGI has sent a letter to President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo, urging him to establish an independent team to thoroughly investigate this case, with support from the Papuan Police and the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) in Papua.

Rev Socratez urged Jokowi to end military operations in Papua. He also urged the Papuan Council of Churches (WPCC) to write to the Pacific Conference of Churches (PCC) and the World Council of Churches (WCC) to urge Pacific island nations to raise the issue at a United Nations forum.

Komnas HAM commissioner Beka Ulung Hapsara said the commission had received a report regarding the latest incident from Papuan Students Alliance head John Gobay on Monday, and had immediately launched an investigation into the case.

“We have not concluded who is responsible. However, Komnas HAM believes that the government needs to evaluate its security approach in Papua to stop the cycle of violence involving TNI, armed groups and civil society, to which a long list of people have fallen victim,” Hapsara said.

Amnesty International Indonesia executive director Usman Hamid urged the government to investigate Rev Zanambani’s case and provide an explanation whether TNI personnel were responsible for the incident.

“This shooting again shows the failure of the state to bring peace to Papua. Since the beginning of the year, there have been at least 15 cases of extrajudicial shootings there. When can Papuans be free to live in peace?” Usman said in a statement.

Armed group
The Papua Police said the latest incident was committed by an “armed group”, aiming to attract global attention ahead of the UN General Assembly scheduled for the end of this month, although the police were investigating the motive behind the shooting.

TNI spokesperson for the Joint Regional Defence Command III in Papua Colonel Gusti Nyoman Suriastawa also said Rev Zanambani had been shot by an armed group, although he said he was still waiting for the results of an investigation by the Cendrawasih Regional Military Command.

“I don’t know [if there were two previous cases]. It’s been a long time. I’m afraid I might provide an incorrect statement. Let’s all wait for the investigation while we mourn the deceased,” he said.

Cendrawasih Regional Military Command spokesperson Lieutenant-Colonel Reza Patria said on Tuesday that his team was still investigating the incident and declined to elaborate further.

Wenda condemns Papua ‘killing zone’
At the United Nations, United Liberation Movement of West Papua (ULMWP) chair Benny Wenda issued a statement condemning the killing of Pastor Zanambani.

Presidential candidate Joko “Jokowi” Widodo has shrugged off a concern expressed by challenger Prabowo Subianto, who questioned the capability of the Indonesian Military (TNI) to protect the country.

The retired army general said “Indonesia’s defence is too weak” because the budget allocated for defence was too small, claiming that “all of our money is flowing overseas”.

“I think Pak Prabowo does not have faith in our military. As a civilian, I have great faith in our military,” the incumbent President Jokowi said.

READ MORE: Pacific value of ‘one family’ lost on Indonesia

Jokowi went on to mention that command centers in Natuna regency, in Riau Islands as well as in Sorong, West Papua, showed how Indonesia was ready to anticipate a foreign threat.

Instead, the former businessman said Indonesia should be concerned about possible internal conflict.

“According to information from defence strategists, there is no threat of foreign invasion in the next 20 years. What is more important is domestic conflict, which will be amplified by technology,” Jokowi said.

“Our defence budget is Rp 107 trillion [NZ$11 billion], the second-biggest after the Public Works and Housing Ministry. This is not a joke, even though some improvement is needed,” he added.

Prabowo was quick to question the claim, saying that the budget allocated for the military was no more than 1.5 percent of the state budget.

• The Indonesian presidential elections are on April 17.

Calm has yet to return to Nduga regency in Indonesia’s Papua province where pro-independence rebels killed 19 construction workers in December, forcing residents to flee to escape clashes between the insurgents and government security forces.

Soldiers and police launched an operation code-named “Operasi Nemangkawi” to capture those allegedly responsible in the killings of workers who were building the Trans-Papua Highway.

Regional military spokesman Colonel Muhamad Aidi said no arrests have been made so far.

READ MORE: UN experts condemns human rights abuses, impunity and racism in West Papua

“We have been focusing on restoring security, protecting citizens and displaced people,” Aidi said.

Meanwhile, fears abound that more violence could erupt.

“We are afraid to return to our village because there are still soldiers and police,” Usman Lokbere, an Nduga resident who fled to Wamena, the main town in Jayawijaya regency, said.

In addition to efforts to capture the suspected killers, the military sent 600 soldiers to Nduga last week to resume the construction of bridges as part of the highway that stretches more than 4300 km from Sorong, the largest city in West Papua province, to Merauke regency, and is scheduled to be completed in 2019.

Provide security
“The TNI (Indonesian Armed Forces) personnel are currently on their way to Timika, then to Nduga,” said Osman Marbun, head of the Jayapura National Road Development Center (BBPJN).

The soldiers, based in the capital of South Sulawesi province, will provide security while working on the construction project, according to a military official.

“The 600 TNI personnel will be deployed around the Trans-Papua road, between Wamena and Mumugu,” regional military chief Major-General Yosua Pandit Sembiring said.

The West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB), armed wing of the Free Papua Movement (OPM), claimed responsibility for the killings, alleging that the people they killed were soldiers from the military’s engineering detachment, and not civilian workers.

Three TNI soldiers were also killed in a further clash with West Papuan militants in the Nduga regency on Thursday, reports The Jakarta Post.

Construction on parts of the highway has been stalled for months, but President Joko Widodo has vowed to finish the project as part of his promise to develop the resource-rich area.

Military criticised
Papuan House of Representatives member Laurens Kadepa criticised the military’s move, saying sending reinforcements was not a solution and would only add to the climate of fear.

“Indonesia is being watched closely by the international community, global church councils and even the United Nations due to the ongoing violence in Papua, but the central government still maintains the practice of violence,” he said.

“The spotlight (on Indonesia) should have prompted the government to reform security measures in Papua,” he said.

Human rights activist Peneas Lokbere said sending hundreds of soldiers contradicted claims by authorities that security had been restored in Nduga and that residents had returned to their villages.

“If indeed the situation in Nduga is peaceful, why is the TNI sending reinforcements? That will only prolong people’s trauma,” he said.

Nduga resident Raga Kogoya called the decision to send more troops unfair.

“We are only a few, why must we continue to be subjected to security operations,” Raga Kogoya said.

Providing food
Daniel Kogoya, spokesman for the Nduga Regency Regional Secretariat, said the local government remains focused on providing food and health care to residents who were uprooted from their homes by the violence.

“Many people are still displaced. They have little food to eat and their health is deteriorating,” Daniel Kogoya said. “Displaced children have been unable to attend classes while exams are approaching.”

Papua is one of the archipelago’s poorest regions despite its rich natural resources. It declared independence from Dutch colonial rule on December 1, 1961, but that was rejected by the Netherlands and later by Indonesia.

In 1963, Indonesian forces invaded the region and annexed it, and six years later held a controversial referendum in which, according to human rights groups, security forces selected slightly more than 1000 people to agree to the region’s formal absorption into the archipelagic nation.

By Victor Mambor is editor of Tabloid Jubi and this report by him for Benar News is republished by the Pacific Media Centre with permission.

• Three TNI soldiers killed in clash
  

Critics have rebuked the Indonesian Military, or TNI,  for meddling in politics, as it celebrated its 72nd anniversary last week, reports the Jakarta Globe.

The critics of the institution say there are signs it is trying to reestablish its political power — curbed since the fall of the military dictator President Suharto in 1998, including by regaining its old dwifungsi, or dual-function, role under current commander General Gatot Nurmantyo.

The TNI’s dwifungsi role, maintained for 32 years under military strongman Suharto, was scrapped soon after his downfall. Dwifungsi had allowed soldiers to be involved in business and politics, earning them enormous advantage and helping them stay in power.

Concerns that civil supremacy is slipping in Indonesia have been rising since Gatot took the reins of the TNI in July 2015. The general makes frequent public appearances, seems to court media attention and in recent months has been putting forth ultra-nationalistic remarks that created controversies.

Activists from Jakarta-based Kontras, a non-governmental organisation that has been helping victims of military violence, said in a note on civil-military relations entitled “A Gift for the Military’s 72nd Anniversary,” that Gatot had been making “obvious political maneouvres.”

“The commander of the military will always get drawn into politics,” Gatot told reporters in Banten, during preparations for TNI’s anniversary celebrations which were held last Thursday.

“But it’s state politics, not practical politics. The military remains neutral in practical politics,” Gatot, who is due to retire in March next year, said.

Gatot under fire
Gatot came under fire for his claim last month that an “institution outside the TNI” had illegally imported 5000 military-standard weapons. The claim had pit the TNI squarely against the police and forced Chief Security Minister Wiranto — himself a former TNI commander — to clarify matters.

Last month Gatot also ordered soldiers to hold screenings of a Suharto-era propaganda film depicting the killings of six army generals on the fateful night of September 30, 1965.

The murders were part of a failed coup attempt that was blamed on the now-banned Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) and led to an anti-communist pogrom that historians say killed up to 3 million people.

Large crowds, including children, were herded to watch the often violent film, which failed to mention the military-backed retaliation against the communists that followed.

Gatot’s claim of the illegal weapon import and his order to screen the propaganda film were mentioned in a list published in Kontras’s note on Wednesday along with other incidents that also involved the TNI commander since May last year.

The list, Kontras argued, “showed the military still retains its ambition to bring back dwifungsi”.

“We should keep in mind that almost all members of the current military elite were raised under the climate of dual function,” Kontras activist Puri Kencana Putri said.

“They were trained to be a force that won’t just stay put in the barracks.”

• More Indonesian stories

The Indonesian Military (TNI) has begun mobilising its forces — including warships and intelligence operations — in northern parts of Indonesia to anticipate the entrance of the terrorist group Islamic State (IS) into the country amid a continuing siege in the neighboring Philippines by IS-linked militants.

“We are the first to mobilise our warships on patrol from North Maluku to Central Sulawesi. We have also mobilised some warships in Tarakan, North Kalimantan and are cooperating with the Philippine and Malaysian militaries,” said TNI chief General Gatot Nurmantyo at the weekend, as quoted by tempo.co.

A deadly battle between the Philippines army and the Maute terrorist group has been ongoing since last month in the southern Philippine town of Marawi City, on Mindanao Island, raising concerns among Philippines neighbours, including Indonesia and Malaysia.

Apart from warships, General Gatot added, the TNI had also been conducting intelligence operations in several territories near Mindanao, including Morotai Island in North Maluku, as well as other outer islands of Indonesia, reports the Jakarta Post.

“Soldiers from Tarakan [in North Kalimantan] will monitor beaches and illegal ports,” he said. “Of course, we are also cooperating with the police and the locals.”

Recently, Indonesia, the Philippines and Malaysia revealed a plan to launch joint air, naval and ground patrols in the Sulu Sea and areas nearby Mindanao this month.