Niue’s assembly has re-elected Dalton Tagelagi as its prime minister, continuing his leadership for the next three years.

Tagelagi, 57, has led Niue since 2020 and was nominated alongside Emani Fakaotimanava-Lui during the leadership vote.

The 19th Niue Assembly was officially sworn in on Wednesday local time.

• READ MORE: Other Niue reports

Billy Talagi was sworn in as the new Speaker of Parliament.

Pacific Media News reported Tagelagi won a narrow 11-9 leadership vote, and the result confirms continuity in leadership but exposes a deeply divided Parliament with MPs split almost evenly between the two leadership nominees.

Niue’s 20-member Assembly is elected every three years, made up of 14 village representatives and six common roll MPs elected across the country.

Addressing parliament after his re-election, Tagelagi called for unity in the new term.

‘Challenging times’
“These are challenging times when we go into elections because we have different perspectives and understanding that sometimes this might divide our families and affect our relationships with one another,” he said.

“I ask you to come together in this Assembly, that we make decisions for the good of the people. I humbly ask you all to work together as we move forward with the 19th Legislative Assembly and government.”

PMN’s Inangaro Vaka’afi told RNZ Pacific Waves Tagelagi had been adamant he wanted another term.

“And also try and complete some of the work that they have already started,” she said.

She said there is a mixture of reaction to how Tagelagi had led the country so far.

“I think it’s not necessarily individual MPs, but you remember that they are representing their village constituency or a common role seat.

“So perhaps there has been some sentiment on the ground in terms of situation on the island, or where the economy is at the moment, also just knowing what’s happening, because some of the work that’s been done doesn’t necessarily get filtered down to grassroots.

‘Finest of margins’
“But I know that there are people on island who are quite satisfied and happy with the direction that they’ve been going, and then there are others who are not, especially when you think about — he represents a village constituency for Alofi South, which is the largest voting population on the island, and he managed to secure his seat by the finest of margins, by one vote.

“And if one were to sit back and just analyse that there’s obviously, I guess, requests or some want from within his constituency to pay a bit more attention to the village. And understandably, because you are the leader of the country, you do have to put the interest of a whole nation in front of mind.

“But don’t forget that you also were placed in that position by your village constituency.”

The new 19th Legislative Assembly also saw a record seven women elected, making up 35 percent of the House — the highest in the nation’s history.

The six common roll seats went to Robert BJ Rex, Moira Enetama, Richmond Lisimoni-Togahai, Emani Fakaotimanava-Lui, Sonya Talagi and Kahealani Hekau, alongside village representatives, several of whom were elected unopposed.

Robert BJ Rex, who topped the common roll vote with 560 ballots, told BCN he was honoured by the outcome.

“My life is based in community. Not only my community, but just my presence around any group or any community, I have tried to be there and get involved and support in any way I can.”

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

The Solomon Islands has entered a new political era. In a historic morning at Parliament House yesterday, Matthew Cooper Wale was elected as the nation’s new Prime Minister.

His victory marks the culmination of a dramatic week in Honiara and signals a potential shift in both the country’s internal management and its place on the global stage.

Wale, the longtime Leader of the Opposition, defeated former Foreign Minister Peter Shanel Agovaka in a secret ballot, winning 26 votes to 22.

• READ MORE: China’s growing grip on the fragile Solomon Islands media sector
• Solomon Islands PM Jeremiah Manele ousted after just over two years in power
• Other Solomon islands reports

The result was greeted with cheers from supporters gathered outside Parliament, Honiara and around the country, as the 57-year-old leader prepared to take the oath of office before Governor-General Sir David Tiva Kapu.

The road to victory
The path to the premiership was anything but simple. Just eight days ago, the previous government led by Jeremiah Manele collapsed after losing a motion of no-confidence.

For years, Matthew Wale has been the most prominent voice of dissent in the Solomon Islands, often coming close to the top job but never quite reaching it. After falling short in the 2019 and 2024 leadership votes, many viewed Wale as the perpetual runner-up.

However, today’s result proves that his persistence and his message of “breaking the shackles” finally resonated with a majority of his fellow Members of Parliament.

In his first address following the announcement, Prime Minister-elect Wale was humble but realistic.

“We take the government at a difficult time,” Wale told the press. “Change is coming. These changes are necessary, and they may be painful. I ask that you join your government in putting your hand to the plough.”

Profile of a leader
Who is Matthew Wale? Born on 13 June 1968, in Ambu Village, Malaita Province, Matthew Cooper Wale is a seasoned veteran of the Pacific political landscape. Before entering the world of policy and Parliament, he was an accountant — a background that many believe informs his disciplined approach to the national budget.

Wale first entered Parliament in 2008 during a byelection for the Aoke/Langalanga constituency. He quickly made a name for himself as a fiery and articulate speaker. Unlike many politicians who stay in the background, Wale has never been afraid of a verbal scrap on the floor of Parliament.

Over the past 18 years, he has served in various roles, but he is best known for leading the Solomon Islands Democratic Party (SIDP) and acting as the primary check on the power of former Prime Ministers Manasseh Sogavare and Jeremiah Manele.

In late 2024, he was even awarded a CBE (Commander of the Order of the British Empire) for his long service to the public and political life of the country, a testament to his standing both at home and within the Commonwealth.

A vision of ‘economic liberation’
What does a Matthew Wale government look like? Throughout his career, Wale has championed a few core beliefs that he calls his “pillars of change”, “anti-corruption and “elite capture”.

Wale’s most frequent target is what he calls “elite capture” — the idea that a small group of powerful people in Honiara control most of the country’s wealth. He has promised to dismantle these systems to ensure resources reach the rural provinces.

Education and health: A vocal advocate for the “ordinary family”, Wale has consistently pushed for increased funding for hospitals and free, high-quality education. He believes that a nation cannot flourish if its citizens are not healthy and skilled.

Political stability: To end the cycle of “grasshopping” (where MPs switch parties for personal gain), Wale has signaled he will seek to strengthen laws that keep political parties disciplined and accountable.

The ‘China question’ and global relations: Perhaps the most watched aspect of Wale’s new leadership will be his foreign policy. For years, Wale was a staunch critic of the 2022 security pact signed with China, warning that it could “jeopardise” relationships with traditional partners like Australia and the United States.

Tone has evolved
However, as a pragmatist, Wale’s tone has evolved. While he is expected to rebalance the nation’s relationships — likely warming ties with Canberra and Washington — he has acknowledged that Chinese infrastructure is now a reality in the Solomon Islands.

He is unlikely to tear up existing agreements overnight, but observers expect a more “balanced” approach that prioritises Solomon Islands’ sovereignty above all else.

As the sun sets on the nation today, the atmosphere is one of cautious optimism. The challenges facing Prime Minister Wale are immense: a struggling economy, high cost of living, and a deeply divided Parliament.

But for today, the man who spent nearly two decades in the wings finally has the chance to lead. Matthew Wale’s message to the people is clear: the road ahead will be hard, but the destination — a fairer, more transparent Solomon Islands — is worth the effort.

The “Hapi Isles” are watching, and the world is, too.

Campion Ohasio is a Solomon Islands-based self-taught visual artist, graphic designer, and prominent political cartoonist known for capturing South Pacific social issues. He gained early recognition in the 1990s for his work on Uni Tavur at the University of Papua New Guinea and later as a editor for the Solomons Voice. This commentary is republished with the author’s permission.

As Tonga’s 26 newly elected representatives turn to choosing a prime minister among them, one potential candidate is identifying economic development and raising the standard of living as necessary priorities for the next government and its leader.

Lord Fakafanua was re-elected as a nobles’ representative for Ha’apai in last week’s general election.

He spoke to RNZ Pacific after the results were announced and outlined a range of areas he believed Tonga’s next prime minister and cabinet needed to focus on.

• READ MORE: Other Tongan election reports

“There are a few low-hanging fruits available to Tonga, a few policy decisions that we don’t have to spend taxpayers’ money on — they can immediately show dividends and improve people’s lives, and especially lower the cost of living,” Fakanua said.

“In the last few weeks, we’ve experienced a shortage of fuel, and I think a lot of people will be looking towards how a new government will handle energy security and [consistency of] supplies that people are getting the services that they require from the government.

“And there’s always the issue of unemployment and job opportunities.”

Fakafanua, who has held the position of Parliament’s Speaker since 2017, would not explicitly confirm whether he wanted to be prime minister, but also said he was not excluding himself from the race.

Experience as Speaker
Speaking to RNZ Pacific, he drew on his experience as Speaker when asked about his regional ambitions should he become prime minister.

“I don’t want to pre-empt anything right now, but I just have to say that if given the opportunity, I think it would be important for the Pacific to stand as a unit, especially in this polarised world.

“There are certain priorities that the Pacific holds dear, and climate change is one of them. And of course, that’s something that us in the Pacific hold as an existential threat.

“So something like that is a commonality that we can find working together would prove very beneficial, not just for Tonga, but also for the region.”

Currently, the country is under a caretaker government as negotiations between the newly elected representatives take place for a prime minister. Once a prime minister is selected, they go on to pick a cabinet for approval, and appointment by the King.

Fakafanua was among the nine nobles who won a seat in the election, while caretaker prime minister Dr Aisake ‘Eke and his predecessor Hu’akavameiliku Siaosi Sovaleni were among the 17 people’s representatives elected.

Both ‘Eke and Hu’akavameiliku, alongside Fakafanua, have been touted as potential prime ministers for the next four-year parliamentary term. RNZ has requested interviews with ‘Eke and Hu’akavameiliku.

Another potential candidate
Meanwhile, another nobles’ representative — Lord Tu’ivakano — has also been flagged as a potential candidate for prime minister. Tu’ivakano is a former speaker and was also the first prime minister following Tonga’s 2010 constitutional reforms.

Fellow noble Lord Vaea told Pacific Media News he believed a noble as prime minister would provide stability for the government and country that had been lacking under prime ministers who were peoples’ representatives.

“It’s time to have a noble in,” Vaea said.

“Over the last four elections, PMs have had great difficulties controlling, that’s why I recommend that we go back in with the nobility.”

But not everyone is convinced.

Teisa Pohiva, the daughter of the late pro-democracy movement leader and prime minister ‘Akilisi Pohiva, has warned Tongans to be wary of a potential shift in power back to the nobility and monarchy.

“It’s as if slowly they’re coming back for the executive powers of the country, something that we’ve fought for so long for the people to be given the authority to run the country, the executive powers with due consultation with the monarchy, with His Majesty,” Pohiva said in an interview with PMN.

Crown Prince influence
She highlighted the position the Crown Prince held in ‘Eke’s government as both minister for foreign affairs and defence. He was appointed to ‘Eke’s cabinet as a minister outside of parliament. Under the constitution, the prime minister is permitted to appoint up to four ministers in this capacity.

“Personally, I would urge the representatives of the people, whoever is elected into Parliament, to stand together, try and put the differences aside and stand together and keep the prime minister position within the people,” Pohiva said.

“There’s nothing more important for us but performance and accountability to the people of Tonga.”

Under the current system, only nobles vote towards their nine representatives to Parliament, while the general public have a separate election process that results in the 17 peoples’ representatives.

Both voting processes take place on the same day and make up the general election.

The setup was implemented through the 2010 constitutional reforms which increased the number of people’s representatives in the legislative assembly from nine to 17.

Prior to that, the balance of power in the executive branch sat with the nobles, the King and his Privy Council, with the number of people’s representatives set at just nine.

For now, Tonga’s newly elected 26 representatives will be discussing who they believe would be best to lead. They will vote for the position by secret ballot, which must be won by a majority.

Under the constitution, the vote will be repeated if no one gains a majority, with the candidate who wins the least number of votes eliminated from the next round.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Prime Minister La’aulialemalietoa Leuatea Schmidt says international media are “in the dark” about the reasons behind his decision to ban the Samoa Observer from government press conferences, arguing that overseas attention has created “support for one newspaper at the expense of the entire country.”

He also addressed concerns raised locally, directing criticism at the Journalists Association of Samoa (JAWS) for advising him to reconsider the ban.

“Now you have given me advice, but you should advise where the problem came from,” he said at a media conference this week. “Why are you advising me to lift the ban when you should be advising them [Samoa Observer]?”

• READ MORE: RSF calls on Samoan PM to lift ‘unacceptable’ ban on Samoa Observer
• Regional Pacific student journalists condemn Samoa PM’s ban as ‘deeply troubling’
• Samoa editor says media freedom under attack in response to PM’s ban
• Samoan PM bans nation’s only newspaper from government access
• JAWS quiet on ban, concerned over media control
• The PM’s wish and our promise – Samoa Observer editorial
• Samoan PM back home as journalist alleges assault outside his residence
• Other Samoa media reports

La’aulialemalietoa said his duty was to the nation. “Who do I stand for? It is the country I represent. I will not back down from protecting the people of Samoa.”

He said he remained firm in his decision but hoped for a “constructive resolution” ahead. “As the Prime Minister, I will stand strong to do the right thing.”

On international reactions, he said some overseas commentators “do not understand Samoa” and claimed outside support was being used “to support one business and throw away the whole country that is trying to protect its future.”

He said the media was “part of democracy,” but argued that global reporting had focused on the ban itself rather than what he described as the issues that led to it.

Questioned actions of journalists
Turning to domestic matters, the Prime Minister also questioned the actions of local journalists, saying JAWS did not engage with ministries affected by earlier Samoa Observer reporting.

“You are talking to me, but why didn’t you talk to the ministries impacted?” he asked.

He also raised questions about the role of a media council. “Where do I go, or where does the government go, if this sort of thing happens?” he said, adding he was unsure whether such a body existed or had convened.

The Prime Minister said his concerns extended beyond media conduct to the protection of the Samoan language and culture.

“My whole being is about the Gagana Samoa. If there is no language, there is no country,” he said.

He also accused the Samoa Observer of showing disrespect and said harmful reporting left lasting effects.

“If you say something that hurts a person, it will stay with the person forever,” he said.

JAWS calls for lifting of ban
JAWS has called on the Prime Minister to lift the ban, saying the decision raises concerns about the safety and independence of the media whenever the government feels threatened.

La’aulialemalietoa said he made it clear upon taking office that his position “is Samoa’s chair,” and the government must correct misinformation when it believed reporting was inaccurate or misleading.

“The government has to say something if a journalist is in the wrong,” he said, arguing that overseas commentary did not reflect local realities.

He said the government supported the media but insisted that cooperation depended on factual reporting.

“If you want to work together, the opportunity is open, but we cannot move forward until the writings are corrected.”

He dismissed one allegation as “a pure lie,” accusing journalists of trespassing onto his land.

“People do not walk onto my land like it’s a market,” he said, urging respect for aganuʻu and cultural protocol.

Samoa’s Prime Minister La’aulialemalietoa Leuatea Polataivao Schmidt has banned the country’s only daily newspaper, the Samoa Observer, from all ministerial press conferences.

The move has raised serious concerns among industry stakeholders about media freedom as he faces growing political and legal pressure.

La’aulialemalietoa announced the ban on Monday at his first press conference in two months, held just days after returning from medical treatment in New Zealand.

• READ MORE: JAWS quiet on ban, concerned over media control
• The PM’s wish and our promise – Samoa Observer editorial
• Samoan PM back home as journalist alleges assault outside his residence
• Other Samoa politics reports

He told journalists that the ban also applies to his cabinet ministers. The decision follows a tense confrontation on Saturday, when journalists from the Samoa Observer and the BBC went to the Prime Minister’s home to confirm his return.

The journalists said they remained on the public roadside but were approached by men from the PM’s property, who accused them of trespassing and of behaving disrespectfully.

“They don’t respect me as the Prime Minister. In my time in New Zealand, I never saw any reporters writing so disrespectfully about leaders,” La’aulialemalietoa told reporters in his office on Monday.

“I was in my home for 10 minutes when they arrived. They argued with the police. They were told to leave as I was only just reuniting with my family and trying to say a prayer. My home is a private home, not a public place.”

Assault allegation
In a report published on Saturday, Observer editor Shalveen Chand alleged he had been assaulted during the Saturday exchange, in full view of police officers nearby.

He said when he asked police for help, he was told to lodge a complaint at the station. He has since filed a formal report.

BBC journalist Dr Mandeep Rai, who witnessed the incident, said the Samoa Observer team acted “carefully and respectfully”, and that the hostile response was surprising. She said the difficulty in simply confirming a national leader’s safe arrival raised questions about transparency and access.

The Prime Minister linked the ban to what he described as “wrong” and “disrespectful” reporting, including stories published during his medical leave.

“When I was away, I saw numerous reports that were wrong . . .  especially the story about a meeting between the Deputy PM and my CEOs. A meeting that never happened.”

La’aulialemalietoa said that as Faatuatua i le Atua Samoa ua Tasi (FAST) chairperson, he had previously banned the Observer from party events, but lifted that ban when he became Prime Minister at the request of senior government officials.

The ban intensifies an already tense political climate in Samoa.

In October, former Prime Minister Fiamē Naomi Mataʻafa filed a ST$1.1 million ($NZ698,000) defamation case against him, alleging he falsely linked her to interference in the murder investigation of American Samoan academic Dr Caroline Sinavaiana-Gabbard. The case is now before the Supreme Court.

Regional pressure also rising
There are also ongoing election-related disputes, public service tensions, and growing scrutiny about the government’s commitment to transparency.

La’aulialemalietoa’s return to Samoa follows an unofficial meeting with New Zealand Prime Minister Christopher Luxon in Auckland earlier this month, his first public political engagement in weeks.

The two leaders discussed major issues, including health infrastructure, drug-trafficking in the Pacific, and labour mobility.

La’aulialemalietoa confirmed plans for new hospitals in Tuanaimato and Savai’i and reiterated his support for the Pacific Justice campaign, which seeks visa-on-arrival access to New Zealand for Pacific citizens.

At the start of Monday’s press conference, La’aulialemalietoa asked the Samoa Observer’s reporter to leave his office. The exchange happened in front of the president of the Journalists Association of Samoa (JAWS) and other senior media members.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ and with PMN News permission.

Samoan Prime Minister La’aulialemalietoa Leuatea Schmidt has returned home after an eight-week absence for medical treatment in New Zealand.

La’aulialemalietoa departed Apia for Auckland on a private jet just days after being sworn in as Samoa’s eighth prime minister on September 16.

The Samoan government had previously said he was expected to return to the country in a week after receiving treatment for a leg injury.

• READ MORE: Press confronted on Samoan PM’s return home

The Samoa Observer confirmed his arrival on Saturday after visiting his residence in Siusega.

However, attempts by reporters to seek comment from the prime minister were stopped by his supporters, who told them to leave.

The situation escalated when the Samoa Observer editor was allegedly assaulted by two men in the presence of police officers.

He has since lodged a formal complaint with the police.

La’aulialemalietoa later told reporters to come back on Monday.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Vanuatu’s Parliament is starting to take shape according to preliminary election results.

As of Saturday, the Leaders Party was on track to becoming the largest in Parliament with 11 MPs.

Vanua’aku Party is next with seven, and United Moderates and Reunification Movement for Change are tied on six seats each.

• READ MORE: Vanuatu one month on: aftershocks, a no-go zone and anxiety
• Other Vanuatu election reports

Iauko Group had five and Graon Mo Jastis, four.

Coalition talks, already underway, are set to be complicated because in the last Parliament at least two parties had MPs split across both the government and opposition benches.

Ballot boxes from all around the country have been transported back to Port Vila where the Vanuatu Electoral Commission is conducting the official count.

Many Port Vila voters spoken to by RNZ Pacific said they wanted leaders who would act quickly to rebuild the quake-stricken city.

Others said they were sick of political instability.

Last week’s snap election was triggered by a premature dissolution of Parliament last year — the second consecutive time President Nike Vurobaravu has acted on a council of ministers’ request to dissolve the House in the face of a leadership challenge.

Counting the latest election Vanuatu will have had five prime ministers in five years.

Last June, a referendum agreed to two changes to the country’s constitution aimed at helping to settle the troubled political arena.

Ni-Vanuatu voters in New Caledonia
Meanwhile, New Caledonia’s diaspora also voted in Vanuatu’s snap poll to renew the 52-seat Parliament.

The only polling station, set up in the capital Nouméa near the Vanuatu Consulate-General, counted as part as the Vanuatu capital Port Vila’s constituency.

It was open to voters last Thursday from 7:30am to 8pm.

For New Caledonia, the estimated number of ni-Vanuatu registered voters is about 1600.

Bus shuttles were also organised for ni-Vanuatu voters residing in the Greater Nouméa area (Mont-Dore, Dumbéa and Païta).

With just over a year left in her tenure as Prime Minister of Samoa, Fiame Naomi Mata’afa faces a political upheaval threatening a peaceful end to her term.

Ironically, the rule of law — the very principle that elevated her to power — has now become the source of significant challenges within her party.

Fiame left the Human Rights Protection Party (HRPP) in 2020, opposing constitutional amendments she believed undermined judicial independence. Her decision reflected a commitment to democratic principles and a rejection of increasing authoritarianism within the HRPP.

• READ MORE: Other Samoan politics reports

She joined the newly formed Fa’atuatua i le Atua Samoa ua Tasi (FAST) party, created by former HRPP members seeking an alternative to decades of one-party dominance.

As FAST’s leader, Fiame led the party to a historic victory in the 2021 election, becoming Samoa’s first female Prime Minister and ending the HRPP’s nearly 40-year rule.

Her leadership is now under threat from within her own party.

FAST Founder, chairman and former Minister of Agriculture and Fisheries La’auli Leuatea Polataivao Schmidt, faces criminal charges, including conspiracy and harassment. These developments have escalated into calls for Fiame’s removal from her party.

Deputy charged with offences
On 3 January 2025, La’auli publicly revealed he had been charged with offences including conspiracy to obstruct justice, fabricating evidence, and harassment. These charges prompted widespread speculation, fueled by misinformation spread primarily via Facebook, that the charges were related to allegations of his involvement in an ongoing investigation into the death of a 19-year-old victim of a hit-and-run.

Following La’auli’s refusal to resign from his role as Minister of Agriculture and Fisheries, Fiame removed his portfolio on January 10, citing the need to uphold the integrity of her Cabinet.

“As Prime Minister, I had hoped that the former minister would choose to resign. This is a common stance often considered by esteemed public office custodians if allegations or charges are laid against them,” she explained.

In response to his dismissal, La’auli stated publicly: “I accept the decision with a humble heart.” He maintained his innocence, saying, “I am clean from all of this,” and expressed confidence that the truth will prevail.

La’auli urged his supporters to remain calm and emphasised his commitment to clearing his name while continuing to serve as a Member of Parliament for Gagaifomauga 3.

Following his removal, the Samoan media reported that members of the FAST party wrote a letter to Fiame requesting her removal as Prime Minister.

Three ministers dismissed
In response, Fiame dismissed three Cabinet Ministers, Mulipola Anarosa Ale-Molio’o (Women, Community, and Social Development), Toelupe Poumulinuku Onesemo (Communication and Information Technology), and Leota Laki Sio (Commerce, Industry, and Labor) — allegedly involved in the effort to unseat her.

Fiame emphasised the need for a cohesive and trustworthy Cabinet, stating the importance of maintaining confidence in her leadership.

Amid rumors of calls for her removal within the FAST party, Fiame acknowledged the party’s authority to replace her as its leader but clarified that only Parliament could determine her status as Prime Minister.

She expressed her determination to fulfill her duties despite internal challenges, though she did not specify the level of support she retains within the party.

Samoa’s Parliament is set to convene next Tuesday, where these tensions may reach a critical point. La’auli, facing multiple criminal charges, remains a focal point of the ongoing political turmoil.

A day after the announcement, on January 15, four new Ministers were sworn into office by Head of State Tuimaleali’ifano Va’aleto’a Sualauvi II at a ceremony attended by family, friends, and some FAST members.

The new Ministers are Faleomavaega Titimaea Tafua (Commerce, Industry, and Labour), Laga’aia Ti’aitu’au Tufuga (Women, Community, and Social Development), Mau’u Siaosi Pu’epu’emai (Communications and Information Technology), and Niu’ava Eti Malolo (Agriculture and Fisheries).

FAST caucus voted against Fiame
Later that evening, FAST chairman La’auli announced that 20 members of the FAST caucus had decided to remove Fiame from the leadership of FAST and expel her from the party along with five other Cabinet Ministers — Tuala Tevaga Ponifasio (Deputy Prime Minister), Leatinuu Wayne Fong, Olo Fiti Vaai, Faualo Harry Schuster, and Toesulusulu Cedric Schuster.

In Samoa, if an MP ceases to maintain affiliation with the political party under which they were elected — whether through resignation or expulsion, their seat is declared vacant if they choose to move to another party or form a new party.

These provisions aim to preserve political stability, prevent party-hopping, and maintain the integrity of parliamentary representation, with byelections held as needed to fill vacancies.

Under Section 142 of Samoa’s Electoral Act 2019, if the Speaker believes an MP’s seat has become vacant as per Section 141, they are required to formally charge the MP with that vacation.

If the Legislative Assembly is in session, this charge must be made orally during the Assembly. Fiame and the four FAST members can choose to maintain their seats in Parliament as Independents.

Former Prime Minister and now opposition leader Tuilaepa Sa’ilele Malielegaoi remarked that what should have been internal FAST issues had spilled into the public sphere.

“We have been watching and we continue to watch what they do and how they deal with their problems,” he stated.

Freedom of expression
When asked whether he would consider a coalition or support one side of FAST, Tuilaepa declined to reveal the opposition’s strategy, citing potential reactions from the other side. He emphasised the importance of adhering to democratic processes and protecting constitutional rights, including freedom of expression.

As Parliament prepares to reconvene on January 21, Facebook has become a battlefield for misinformation and defamatory discourse, particularly among FAST supporters in diaspora communities in the US, Australia, and New Zealand.

Divisions have emerged between supporters of Fiame and La’auli, leading to vitriol directed at politicians and journalists covering the crisis. La’auli, leveraging his social media following, has conducted Facebook Live sessions to assert his innocence and rally support.

Currently, FAST holds 35 seats in Parliament, while the opposition HRPP controls 18. If the removal of five MPs is factored in, FAST would retain 30 MPs, though La’auli claims that 20 members support Fiame’s removal. This leaves 10 MPs who may either support Fiame or remain neutral.

If FAST fails to expel Fiame, La’auli’s faction may push for a motion of no confidence against her.

Such a motion requires 27 votes to pass, potentially making the opposition pivotal in determining the outcome. This could lead to either Fiame’s removal or the dissolution of Parliament for a snap election.

As Samoa faces this political crisis, its democratic institutions undergo a significant test.

Fiame remains committed to the rule of law, while La’auli advocates for her removal.

Reflecting on the stakes, Fiame warned: “Disregarding the rule of law will undoubtedly have far-reaching negative impacts, including undermining our judiciary system and the abilities of our law enforcement agencies to fulfill their duties.”

For now, Samoa watches and waits as its political future hangs in the balance.

Lagipoiva Cherelle Jackson is a Samoan journalist with over 20 years of experience reporting on the Pacific Islands. She is founding editor-in-chief of The New Atoll, a digital commentary magazine focusing on Pacific island geopolitics. Junior S. Ami is a photojournalist based in Samoa. He has covered national events for the Samoa Observer newspaper and runs a private photography business. Republished from the Devpolicy Blog with permission.

In a highly anticipated session of the Tongan Parliament to debate and vote on the second vote of no confidence (VONC) scheduled for last Monday, December 9, in Prime Minister Siaosi Sovaleni Hu’akavameiliku and the Cabinet, Hu’akavameiliku surprised everyone by announcing his resignation — even before the actual debate had begun.

The session began with the Speaker, Lord Fakafanua, announcing the procedure for the day which was to have each of the seven grounds of the VONC read out, followed by the Cabinet’s responses, after which each member of Parliament would be allowed 10 minutes to make a statement for or against.

Before parliamentary staff started reading out the documents, Deputy Prime Minister (DPM) Samiu Vaipulu moved that the VONC be declared null and void as it did not have the 10 valid signatures that the house rules stipulated.

• READ MORE: Other Tongan PM reports

He claimed that two of the 10 signatures were added on October 10, whereas an event included in VONC did not begin until October 21, thus making those signatures invalid. That event was the 2024 Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting which was held in Samoa, October 21-26, and the VONC cited it in relation to alleged Cabinet overspending on overseas travel.

After an hour and half of debate on the DPM’s motion, the Speaker ruled that despite the technical shortcoming, he would proceed with the VONC at 2pm after the lunch break. Hu’akavameiliku immediately asked for a break, as only 10 minutes remained before the lunch break, but the Speaker sided with VONC supporters and ruled that the debate begin straight away.

That is when Hu’akavameiliku asked for the floor and proceeded to thank everyone from the King to the nobles and his Cabinet members and the movers of the VONC before announcing his resignation.

The second VONC had been tabled on November 25. The Speaker instructed the parliamentary committee responsible to scrutinise it for compliance with parliamentary rules and determine whether additional information was needed before making it available to the Prime Minister and Cabinet by November 29.

More time request granted
Hu’akavameiliku was initially required to submit his response by December 3 for debate and ballot. But on November 28 the Speaker granted his request for more time, rescheduling the debate to December 9. The movers of the VONC were not happy, particularly given that the first one submitted in August 2023 had contained 46 grounds (compared with seven in the second), to which the Prime Minister and Cabinet had responded to in detail within five days.

There is reason to suspect that there was more to the request for extension than meets the eye. The inaugural graduation ceremony for the Tonga National University, which opened in January 2023, was held over three days beginning December 4, with the University’s Chancellor, King Tupou VI, officiating. Hu’akavameiliku, as Pro-Chancellor and chair of the University Council and Minister for Education and Training, facilitated the first day’s ceremony.

That date, December 4, marked the 1845 coronation of King Siaosi Tupou I, the founder of modern Tonga. Notably, King Tupou VI was absent on the second and third days, with Lord Fakafanua and Hu’akavameiliku stepping in to play the Chancellor’s role.

In a media conference on November 25 after the VONC was tabled, Hu’akavameiliku defended the VONC movers’ constitutional right to introduce it, but also said that since he only had a year left of his four-year term, he would have preferred a dialogue about their concerns.

He gave the impression to the media that he had the numbers to defeat this second VONC. However, his numbers were tight.

As of November 10, his Cabinet had nine members, reduced from 10 after his Minister for Lands and Survey, Lord Tu’i’afitu, resigned after receiving a letter from the Palace Office saying King Tupou VI had withdrawn his confidence and trust in him as minister.

Of the nine remaining members, four were People’s Representatives (PRs), including the Prime Minister, two were Nobles’ Representatives (NRs) and three were Non-Elected Representatives who could not vote on the VONC.

Question mark over allegiance
o, with six votes in hand, Hu’akavameiliku needed eight more to beat the VONC. He could usually count on five PRs — Tevita Puloka, Dulcie Tei, Sione Taione, Veivosa Taka and Mo’ale ‘Otunuku — and possibly three NRs that could have sided with him, Lord Tuiha’angana, Lord Fakafanua and Prince Kalaniuvalu.

But there was a question mark over Prince Kalaniavalu’s allegiance as he had voted in favour of the first VONC in September 2023.

The movers of the second VONC were confident they had the numbers this time round. Lord Tu’ilakepa, who had voted against the VONC in 2023, was one of the signatories this time around. Previously, Lord Tu’ileakepa had almost always voted with the Prime Minister and was loathe to be associated with members of Parliament who had any pro-democracy inclinations.

The seven PR signatories were Dr Langi Fasi, Mateni Tapueleuelu, Dr ‘Aisake Eke, Piveni Piukala, Kapeli Lanumata, Mo’ale Finau and Vatau Hui. They were also guaranteed the vote of Dr Tanieta Fusmalohi, still making his way back from COP29.

So, they had 11 guaranteed votes, and 13 if the recently resigned Minister, Lord Tu’I’afitu, and Prince Kalaniuvalu sided with them. As with the first VONC, the NRs would play a crucial role, controlling nine of the 26 seats (more than 33 percent of the Parliament) despite representing less than 1 percent of the country’s population.

Since King Tupou VI withdrew his confidence and trust in Hu’akavameiliku as Minister for Defence and Fekita ‘Utoikamanu as Minister for Foreign Affairs early in 2024, the Prime Minister continued as Acting Minister in those two portfolios.

There was hope that substantive Ministers would have been appointed (from the Royal Family) by the time of the Pacific Islands Forum (PIF) Leaders Meeting in Nuku’alofa in August 24, but it was not to be.

Relations remained strained
In spite of the hulouifi (traditional reconciliation ceremony) performed in February, relations between the King and Hu’akavameiliku remained strained. One cannot help but think that the Palace Office was at least supportive of the VONC, if not among the instigators.

As PIF chair until next year’s leaders’ summit in Solomon Islands, Hu’akavameiliku reportedly felt let down by King Tupou VI’s absence from the country during the Leaders’ Meeting — not least because his father, King Taufa’ahau Tupou IV, and his brother, Prince Tuipelehake, were instrumental in setting up the PIF (South Pacific Forum, at that time) in 1972.

Together with Fiji’s Ratu Kamisese Mara, Cook Islands’ Sir Albert Henry, Nauru’s Hammer De Roburt, Samoa’s Malietoa and Niue’s Robert Rex, they walked out of the then South Pacific Commission (SPC) when they could no longer stand being treated like children by the colonial powers (US, France, UK, the Netherlands, Australia, and NZ) at the annual SPC meetings and their refusal to include decolonisation and nuclear testing on SPC’s agenda.

The Speaker immediately recessed parliament after Hu’akavameiliku’s announcement. By the time it reconvened at 2pm he had a letter from the Palace Office saying they had received the PM’s resignation in writing.

In spite of vociferous opposition from some of the VONC movers, he announced that, under section 18 of the Government Act, DPM Samiu Vaipulu would be Acting Prime Minister (in an interim Cabinet of existing members) until December 24, when Parliament is scheduled to elect a new Prime Minister from its existing membership of the house.

Lopeti Senituli is a law practitioner in Tonga and is the immediate past president of the Tonga Law Society. He was Political and Media Adviser to Prime Ministers Dr Feleti Vaka’uta Sevele (2006-2010) and Samuela ‘Akilisi Pohiva (2018-2019). This article was first published by Devpolicy Blog and is republished with the author’s permission.

RNZ Pacific

Parliamentarians in Tonga will meet on Christmas Eve to select the kingdom’s new prime minister, Speaker of the House Lord Fakafanua has confirmed.

He told RNZ Pacific that Hu’akavameiliku Siaosi Sovaleni’s resignation on Monday ahead of a second motion of no confidence was unprecedented.

However, he said the Tongan constitution was clear on what happens next.

• READ MORE:  ‘Government is still in the right hands’ – former Tonga PM Hu’akavameiliku
• Other Tongan prime ministership reports

Parliament will issue letters to its 26 MPs on Tuesday calling for their nominations for leader.

These must be submitted by December 23 and the election of the prime minister will be conducted by secret ballot on Christmas Eve.

To win, candidates will need to secure a simple majority of the total number of MPs eligible to vote.

This number is 13 if it is determined the Speaker has the casting vote. But 14 if it is decided he will vote as an ordinary MP.

Post-election scenarios
The constitution is unclear on this point as the rules for election of prime minister are based on a post-election scenario, where the King appoints an interim Speaker to oversee the election who is not an elected MP.

The current Speaker Lord Fakafanua is an MP. They have yet to make a decision on this point.

Hu’akavameiliku quit on Monday after delivering a teary-eyed statement in Parliament.

He told RNZ Pacific it was “better to leave”.

“Whoever the new prime minister is going to be will do a great job given that we only have another 10 months before the [next] elections,” he said.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Prime Minister James Marape has declared that he will not resign in spite of the defection of many Pangu Pati and government MPs to Papua New Guinea’s opposition.

In a statement, he emphasised that any change in leadership must occur through a no-confidence vote in Parliament.

Prime Minister Marape urged the people of Papua New Guinea and the business community to continue their daily activities without disruption as the political process unfolds.

• READ MORE: Other PNG politics reports
• PNG landslide: Couple pulled alive from rubble as 690 feared dead

“Pangu has 41 MPs as of today, and with our coalition partners, we have more than the required 56 MPs to remain in government,” Marape said, confident he will win tomorrow’s vote.

The political crisis comes as Papua New Guinea comes to terms with the devasting Kaolokam landslide disaster in Enga province with reports of 2000 people missing.

“As I speak, our coalition partners, including United Resources Party, Social Democratic Party, People’s Party, People’s First Party, People’s Movement for Change, Melanesian Liberal Front, and Melanesian Alliance, are intact.”

“The number of MPs, with the combination of Coalition partners and
Pangu, exceeds the magic number of 56.

“We are confident with our numbers and are putting together our team as we prepare for Parliament on Tuesday, May 28.”

Miriam Zarriga is a PNG Post-Courier journalist. Republished with permission.

Jeremiah Manele has been elected Prime Minister of Solomon Islands, polling 31 votes to 18 over rival candidate and former opposition leader Mathew Wale with one abstention.

The final result of the election by secret ballot was announced by the Governor-General, Sir David Vunagi, on the steps of Parliament in Honiara today.

Going into the vote, Manele’s camp had claimed the support of 28 MPs while Wale’s camp said they had 20.

• READ MORE: Ready, set, go in Solomons PM race – Jeremiah Manele vs Matthew Wale
• Jeremiah Manele is our new PM – SBM Online
• Other Solomon Island election reports

Manele’s victory signals a return of the incumbent government formerly headed by Manasseh Sogavare.

Manele’s administration, which calls itself the Government for National Unity and Transformation (GNUT), is made up of three parties — his own Our Party is the largest followed by Manasseh Maelanga’s People’s First Party and Jamie Vokia’s Kandere Party.

Collectively, the parties came out of the election with 19 MPs but have added nine more to their ranks. We will know which MPs have joined what parties once the registrar of political parties updates its political party membership lists.

In the lead up to the election, Manele and his coalition partners were working on merging their policy priorities into a 100 day plan which they are expected to announce to the public in the coming days.

Once Manele has sorted the compostion of his cabinet, he will notify the Governor-General to set a date for the first sitting of Parliament during which all 50 members of Parliament will be sworn in and Sir David Vunagi will deliver the speech from the throne, the traditional opening address to Parliament.

Solomon Islands 12th Parliament elected Jeremiah Manele, former Foreign Minister as the country’s next Prime Minister. 100 days programme will be released soon. 49 Members of Parliament were present and voted today. 31 infavour of Jeremiah Manele and 18 votes for Matthew Wale pic.twitter.com/izA1wP2x3T

— Collin Beck, (@CollinBeck) May 2, 2024

‘I will discharge my duties diligently and with integrity’ – Manele
In his first national address on the steps of Parliament, Manele congratulated the people of Solomon Islands on a successful election and called for peace.

“Past prime ministers’ elections have been met with the act of violence and destruction,” he said.

“Our economy and livelihoods have suffered because of this violence. However, today we show the world that we are better than that.

“We must uphold and respect the democratic process of electing our prime minister and set an example for our children and their children.”

Manele paid tribute to the traditional landowners of the island of Guadalcanal on which the capital Honiara is situated.

He also outlined next steps starting with the formation of his cabinet which he said he would announce in the coming days and the first sitting of parliament when all MPs will be sworn in.

He said members of his coalition government were finalising their 100 day plan which they hoped to unveil soon.

Manele said there were also a number of laws that were ready to come before Parliament.

“These bills include the value added tax bill, special economics zone bill, the mineral resources bill, the forestry bill and others.

“Cabinet will meet to decide on the priority legislative and policy programmes for 2024. Which includes whether we need to revise the 2024 budget or not,” he said.

Finally, he said he was very humbled by the trust that his fellow MPs had bestowed upon him.

“This is indeed a historic moment for my people of Isabel Province to have one of their sons as the prime minister of Solomon Islands.

“I will discharge my duties diligently and with integrity. I will at all times put the interests of our people and country above all other interests.

“Leading a nation is never an easy task. I ask that you remember me and your government in your daily prayers so we may serve as our lord commands.”

He pledged his loyalty and allegiance to the country’s national anthem, national flag, and the constitution.

“We are one people, we are one nation, we are Solomon Islands. To God be the glory great things He has done. May God bless you all may God bless the 12th parliament and may God bless Solomon Islands from shore to shore.”

Who is Jeremiah Manele?
Jeremiah Manele, who turns 56 this year, is the member of Parliament for Hograno Kia Havulei in Isabel Province.

He is the country’s first ever prime minister from Isabel where his home village is Samasodu.

Manele served as minister of foreign affairs in the last government and ran in this election under the Our Party Banner. However, he has previously been affiliated with the Democratic Alliance Party.

He was first elected to Parliament in 2014 and was the leader of the opposition in the country’s 10th Parliament. He has also previously served as the minister for development planning and aid coordination in the 11th Parliament.

Prior to entering Parliament, Manele was a longserving public servant and diplomat representing the country as Chargé d’Affaires, of the Solomon Islands Permanent Mission to the United Nations in New York.

He holds a Bachelor of Arts degree from the University of Papua New Guinea and a Certificate in Foreign Service and International Relations from Oxford University.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Police in Solomon Islands are on high alert ahead of the election of the prime minister today.

The two candidates for the top job are former foreign affairs minister Jeremiah Manele at the head of the Coalition for National Unity and Transformation, which is technically the incumbent government wrapped in new packaging, and the former opposition leader Mathew Wale who fronts a four party coalition preaching change.

At last count Manele’s camp claimed to have the support of 28 of the 50 elected MPs and Wale’s side said they had 20.

• READ MORE: Other Solomon Islands election reports

However, the numbers could shift significantly either way overnight as intense lobbying is expected from both camps to try and draw MPs across to their side.

There were also a handful of MPs yet to arrive in the capital Honiara from their electorates who could become tiebreakers given the close margins involved.

Honiara city has a well documented history of public unrest around political events, the most recent being the 2021 riots which spilled over from a seemingly small protest against the last government.

But the largest and most politically significant was the 2006 riots which forced the resignation of the newly elected prime minister Snyder Rini who was in office for only 14 days.

Parliament closed
The Royal Solomon Islands Police Force have issued a statement saying Parliament would be closed to the public for the election of the prime minister.

The process is a private members meeting not a sitting of Parliament and so will not be broadcast.

Deputy Police Commissioner Ian Vaevaso, who is in charge of security operations at Parliament, is calling on the public to respect the democratic process and accept its outcome.

“Officers are already doing high visibility foot beat along the street of Honiara and vehicle patrols as we prepare for the election of the Prime Minister.

“Police will not tolerate anyone who intends to disturb the process of the election of the Prime Minister.”

Weak political party laws ‘destabilising factor’ – Liloqula
The head of Transparency International Solomon Islands said the country’s weak political party legislation was skewing voters’ choices.

Almost half of the incumbent MPs who contested last month’s national election lost their seats and Our Party — the dominant party in the last government — only managed to return 15 of the more than 30 candidates it fielded.

Many of the newly elected MPs, particularly the independents, campaigned on platforms to either change the government or be an alternative voice in the house.

But Transparency Solomon Islands chief executive Ruth Liloqula said these same politicians, some of whom unseated incumbent government MPs, went on to align themselves with the Manele-led Coalition for National Unity and Transformation, which if successful in the prime minister’s election today would effectively return the former government to power.

“That kind of movement is what I refer to as a destabilising factor in our political stability, freedom for anyone to stand as an independent candidate that still stays.

“But for them to then, after winning as an independent candidate, then they come together and form a group that needs to be got rid of,” Liloqula said.

Manele’s sole competitor for the prime minister’s post, former opposition leader Wale in announcing his candidacy, appealed to newly elected MPs and independents who had campaigned on a platform for change to stay the course and join their ranks.

‘Voted . . . for change’
“The people of Solomon Islands have voted overwhelmingly for change from DCGA & Our Party. I therefore urge all newly elected independents, who were voted in on a mandate for change, to join us.

“This is the peoples clear wish,” he said.

Liloqula said the unfortunate thing about this game of numbers was that most of the MPs were not moving around on the basis of principles or national policies but for their own personal and political gain.

“What is the numbers game dependent on? Is it to serve the interests of this country or is it to serve the personal gain of the people who are playing this game?

“This is not the time to be doing this . . . they should all work together to bring up this country’s economy so that we can be going somewhere,” she said.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Former opposition leader Matthew Wale has been announced as the second prime ministerial candidate ahead of the election in Solomon Islands tomorrow.

He will face off against former foreign affairs minister Jeremiah Manele, who was announced by the Coalition for National Unity and Transformation on Monday.

As far as RNZ Pacific was aware, Manele and Wale were the only two prime ministerial candidates that have been publicly announced.

• READ MORE: Other Solomon Island election reports

However, candidate nominations could also be submitted quietly, so until the Governor-General announced the total number of candidates, RNZ Pacific could not rule out the possibility that there could be at least one more horse in the race.

Wale’s coalition, which had yet to be named, resembled the opposition group in the last Parliament, and was made up of his own Democratic Party, the United Party, the Party for Rural Advancement, the Umi for Change Party and the Democratic Alliance Party.

A head count of a group photo provided by the coalition showed they had 20 MPs.

On the other hand, Manele’s coalition, which was effectively the incumbent government, was made up of MPs from Our Party, People’s First Party and the Kadere Party.

Enough to form government
Their group photo showed 28 MPs which was more than enough to form government if they could hold onto them through the intense lobbying anticipated over the next 48 hours.

Included in Manele’s camp were a host of newly elected independent MPs, many of whom campaigned on a platform for change, unseating half of the incumbent Our Party MPs only to replenish their ranks.

In a statement marking his nomination, Wale appealed to these independents.

“The people of Solomon Islands have voted overwhelmingly for change from DCGA & Our Party. I therefore urge all newly elected independents, who were voted in on a mandate for change, to join us,” Wale said.

“This is the people’s clear wish.”

Nominations for prime ministerial candidates closed at 4pm yesterday, and the election of the prime minister will be held at 9.30am local time tomorrow.

It will be presided over by the Governor-General, Sir David Vunagi, and conducted by secret ballot.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

The race to form the next government of Solomon Islands could be a tight one, with no single party emerging from the election with enough seats to govern.

Caretaker prime minister Manasseh Sogavare’s Our Party did the best, securing 15 out of the 50 seats in the House.

The former opposition leader Matthew Wale’s Democratic Party is first runner-up with 11 MPs, which is also equal to the number of independent MPs which have been elected.

• READ MORE: Other Solomon islands election reports

As for the rest of the field, the United Party secured six seats, the People’s First Party won three, and the remaining four minor parties won a seat each.

So what happens now?
The Governor-General of Solomon Islands, Sir David Vunagi, will only call a meeting to elect the country’s prime minister once official results have been gazetted and Parliament informs him that all elected members have returned from the provinces to the capital Honiara.

This was confirmed by the Governor-General’s private secretary, Rawcliffe Ziza, who also sought to refute some misinformation about the election of the prime minister — which said it would only be called once a party or a coalition of parties had secured the numbers to form government.

As political parties lobby to secure the numbers to rule, local media will be providing blow-by-blow accounts and social media feeds are awash with coalition predictions.

But the reality is things will remain fluid right up until and including when the elected members meet in parliament to cast secret ballots to elect the country’s prime minister.

There are also rumours of MPs defecting from or joining different groupings.

But the Office of the Registrar of Political Parties has confirmed to RNZ Pacific it has not received applications of either kind, and so as of Friday, party numbers remain true to the final election results below.

Solomon Islands final election results by party:

• Our Party — 15 MPs
• Solomon Islands Democratic Party — 11
• Independents — 11
• Solomon Islands United Party — 6
• Solomon Islands People’s First Party — 3
• Umi For Change Party — 1
• Kadere Party — 1
• Democratic Alliance Party — 1
• Solomon Islands Party for Rural Advancement — 1

According to Government House, most of the newly elected members of Parliament are already in the capital.

But the Governor-General will wait until next week to consider a date for the election of the prime minister, to allow time for members from more remote constituencies to make their way back to Honiara and for the official election results to be gazetted.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

The involvement in Tonga’s government by King Tupou VI is a return to the “dark ages” for the kingdom, a long time journalist, author and advocate campaigning for democracy.

The King last month withdrew his support for the ministers holding two portfolios.

Tonga’s Prime Minister Hu’akavameiliku Siaosi Sovaleni has reportedly stepped down from his defence portfolio, with Foreign Affairs Minister Fekita ‘Utoikamanu reportedly doing the same.

• READ MORE: Other Tongan politics reports

Sources in Nuku’alofa have told RNZ Pacific the decision to resign comes following a meeting between Hu’akavameiliku and a cabinet team held with King Tupou VI earlier this month.

Democracy advocate and journalist Kalafi Moala, who is editor of Talanoa ‘o Tonga and the RNZ Pacific correspondent, said the King’s decision to withdraw support is a retrograde step.

“The reform in 2010 was that he [the King] would get out of trying to run the government or to appoint government,” he said.

‘Very bad move’
“And with this King, to me, this is a very, very bad move, and there is a lot of public unhappiness about it.”

Hu’akavameiliku has reportedly sent a proposal to the King, recommending that Crown Prince Tupouto’a ‘Ulukalala, a senior official at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, be appointed Minister of Defence and Foreign Affairs.

An official announcement is expected to be made after a Privy Council meeting that will be chaired by the King on Thursday.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Tonga’s Prime Minister Siaosi Sovaleni Hu’akavameiliku has resigned as Minister of Defence in order to appease King upou VI, says a senior government official.

The Tongan Independent reports that the Prime Minister and Foreign Affairs Minister ‘Utoikamanu had resigned from their portfolios.

Senior sources within the Tongan government have told Kaniva News they believed reports that the Prime Minister has resigned.

• READ MORE: Other Tongan politics reports

Kaniva News has contacted Prime Minister and Chief Secretary for confirmation of the report and was waiting for a response.

The Independent has adopted a strongly anti-Sovaleni tone, criticising the government’s involvement in Lulutai Airlines, claiming he was too ill to serve and that he and Utoikamanu were trying to usurp King Tupou VI’s authority.

It is understood that the Prime Minister had flown to Niuafo’ou to meet His Majesty

Relations between the Prime Minister and the throne have been tense since the king issued a memo saying he no longer supported Prime Minister Hu’akavameiliku as the Minister for His Majesty’s Armed Forces and Hon Fekitamoeloa Katoa ‘Utoikamanu as the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Minister for Tourism.

King’s memo ignored
The Prime Minister ignored the King’s memo.

As we reported earlier, the nobles responded by demanding that the Prime Minister and Hon Utoikamanu resign immediately in order to assuage King Tupou VI’s disappointment.

The nobles circulated a letter which described the Prime Minister’s refusal to accept the King’s show of power as “very concerning” and “intimidating the peace” of the country.

“We are the king’s cultural preservers (‘aofivala). Therefore, we propose that you and your government respect the King’s desire,” the letter read in Tongan.

“The king has withdrawn his confidence and consent from you as Defence Minister as well as the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Tourism Fekitamoeloa ‘Utoikamanu.

“We urge you to resign immediately from the Ministry of Defence as well as Fekitamoeloa ‘Utoikamanu to resign from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Tourism”.

This is not the first time the King has directly interfered in the workings of a democratically elected government.

Heavily influenced
The King is said to have been heavily influenced by some of his Privy Councillors, including Lord Tu’aivakanō, who advised him to dissolve the government of the late ‘Akilisi Pohiva in 2017.

Lord Tu’aivakanō justified his behaviour by claiming that Hon Pohiva’s government wanted to remove the Privy Council’s role in appointing positions like the Police Commissioner and Attorney-General.

As we wrote at the time: “Lord Tu’ivakano said it was clear the government was trying to wear away the powers of the King and Privy Council, which he could not abide.”

Pohiva’s government was re-elected.

Lord Tu’aivakanō is said to have signed the noble’s letter criticising the Prime Minister.

Asia Pacific Report collaborates with Kaniva Tonga. Republished with permission.,

EDITORIAL: By Kalino Latu, editor of Kaniva Tonga

Tonga’s nobles have demanded the Prime Minister and his Minister of Foreign Affairs resign immediately in order to assuage King Tupou VI’s disappointment with their ministerial roles.

The letter, which was purportedly signed by Lord Tu’ivakanō, described Prime Minister Hu’akavameiliku’s refusal to accept the King’s show of power as very concerning and intimidating the peace of the country.

“We are the king’s cultural preservers (‘aofivala). Therefore, we propose that you and your government respect the king’s desire,” the letter read in Tongan.

• READ MORE: Tonga’s political standoff continues as tensions boil over in Parliament with MPs suspended
• Other Tongan reports

“The king has withdrawn his confidence and consent from you as Defence Minister as well as the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Tourism Fekitamoeloa ‘Utoikamanu.

“We urge you to resign immediately from the Ministry of Defence as well as Fekitamoeloa ‘Utoikamanu to resign from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Tourism”.

The letter demanded a response from the Prime Minister no later than February 27.

The letter came after the King said earlier this month in a memo that he no longer supported Prime Minister Hu’akavameiliku as the Minister for His Majesty’s Armed Forces and Hon. Fekitamoeloa Katoa ‘Utoikamanu as the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Minister for Tourism.

PM still confident
Responding, the government said the Prime Minister was still confident in the Minister of Foreign Affairs and that the King’s wish clashed with the Constitution.

While the King’s nobles are free to express their opinion on the issue, some people may think that the lack of references to the Constitution to support their argument in their letter was more provoking and inciting than what they allege Prime Minister Hu’akavameiliku has done.

This is because the Prime Minister said he was responding according to what the related clause in the Constitution said about His Majesty’s concerns. It is the Constitution which ensures that those who make decisions are making them on behalf of the public and will be held accountable to the people they serve.

Some people may see that the nobility’s departure from the constitution and citing the Tongan practice of faka’apa’apa’i e finangalo ‘o e tu’i (respecting the King’s wish) means the nobles are urging us to dump Tonga’s Constitution and live by the law of the jungle in which those who are strong and apply ruthless self-interest are most successful.

Our Tongan tradition of faka’apa’apa (respect the King no matter what) has no clear system of rules, limits and boundaries for us to follow, which leaves the door open for the powerful to practice immorality and unlawful activities.

Since the King’s memo was leaked to the public, some have argued that it was explicitly unconstitutional. There is nothing in the Constitution to say that the King has to show that he gives his consent or has confidence in a ministerial nominee proposed by the Prime Minister before he appoints them.

However, some argued that there was nothing wrong with the King expressing his wish as he did to the Prime Minister and the Minister of Foreign Affairs. The problem with this kind of attitude is that it urges the King to publicly show his disagreement with the Constitution whenever he wants.

Breaching royal oath?
The King could be seen in such a situation to be breaching his royal oath which, according to the Constitution, clause 34, says: “I solemnly swear before Almighty God to keep in its integrity the Constitution of Tonga and to govern in conformity with the laws thereof.”

The word “integrity” included in the Constitution is worth mentioning here.

It is defined by the Oxford Dictionary as: “The quality of being honest and having strong moral principles that you refuse to change”.

Some people may believe that for the King to have integrity in the constitution, he must have a strong sense of judgment and trust in his own accord.

To keep the Constitution honest the King must desist from saying things to the public which are not written in the Constitution and may cause concern and confusion.

The best example was his memo. It has caused a stir among the public but what was most concerning is that no one knows what was the reason behind the King’s withdrawal of his consent and confidence in the Prime Minister and his Minister of Foreign Affairs.

We have previously seen His Majesty make several wrong decisions which are said to have been influenced by his Privy Councillors or his nobility members, including Lord Tu’aivakanō’s abortive advice to dissolve the government in 2017.

Do the right thing
The nobility must do the right thing and advise the King according to the Constitution and not our old fashioned cultural practices.

It was the Tu’ivakano government which hired Commonwealth Legal Consultant Peter Pursgloves to review our 2010 constitution, which he said was the “poorest written Constitution” among all Commonwealth countries.

The Tu’ivakanō government vowed to follow Pursglove’s report and made significant changes to the Constitution which was said to have been agreed by the King in 2014.

When the ‘Akilisi Pohiva government ousted the Tu’ivakanō government in late 2014 they processed the Pursglove report and submitted it to Parliament through six new bills to be approved. However, it was the same people in the Tu’ivakanō government who strongly opposed the submission from the Opposition bench. They went further and falsely accused Pōhiva of secretly trying to remove some of the King’s powers.

Critics argued that this was because of the nobility’s long-time hatred against Pōhiva because of his tireless campaign to remove the executive power of the King and give it to a democratic government.

The nobles later apologised and withdrew their accusation against Pōhiva in the House after months of debates and public consultations. They finally said they wanted to support the submission after Pōhiva revealed in the House his government  has lodged an application for a judicial review of the decision made by Lord Tu’ilakepa to block the new bills.

That submission has yet to be approved by the House and the nobility has a duty to push for it to be approved. This would bring Tonga a more democratic system that would help keep the King and the government at peace.

The nobles must refrain from using cultural practices to resolve our constitutional issues as that would send us back to the dark ages.

This editorial was published by Kaniva Tonga on February 29 and is published by Asia Pacific Report with permission.

Four-time Vanuatu Prime Minister Sato Kilman has been elected to the top job for a record fifth time in Port Vila, ousting Alatoi Ishmael Kalsakau’s nine-month reign as the leader of government.

Kilman received a total of 27 votes, while Kalsakau got 23 votes.

Kilman, 65, was the deputy Prime Minister in Kalsakau’s government before being removed in May. At the time Kalsakau had stated that Kilman’s dismissal was for “stability of the coalition government”.

• READ MORE: Other Vanuatu political crisis reports

“Mr Speaker first and foremost I want to say a big thank you to the members of Parliament and the political parties that supported the change in government. Thank you,” he said.

“But thank you even more for standing your ground and for ensuring that democracy prevails in Vanuatu.”

Earlier on Monday, Vanuatu’s highest court — the Court of Appeal — dismissed an appeal against the removal of Kalsakau.

Last month, the opposition grouping, led by former prime minister Bob Loughman, brought a motion of no-confidence against Kalsakau.

Appeal to courts
They garnered 26 of the 49 votes cast but the parliamentary Speaker ruled they had not reached what he considered the minimum 27 required for a successful motion in the 52-member House.

Loughman’s group appealed to the courts, which last week ruled in their favour, but the Speaker appealed that decision.

That appeal was dismissed today bringing an end to Kalsakau’s tenure and triggering the election of the new Prime Minister.

Sato Kilman was sworn in as Prime Minister immediately after the vote on Monday evening.

He is expected to announce the composition of the cabinet of his new coalition government later this week.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

The Vanuatu Supreme Court has ruled in favour of the opposition, which contested a ruling by the parliamentary Speaker regarding what constitutes an absolute majority in Parliament.

The court case followed a motion of no-confidence in the prime minister being defeated under a technicality of the rules as interpreted by the Speaker.

Former prime minister Sato Kilman, who is now in the opposition, said the judge had ruled an absolute majority in Parliament was 26, so the opposition won the case.

• READ MORE: Other Vanuatu no-confidence vote reports

But he said the judge had stayed the case until 3pm on Monday to allow any appeal.

“We are glad, because we believed that we were right from the start, and that is why we lodged the application to the court,” Kilman said.

Earlier this month the opposition, in seeking to remove Prime Minister Ishmael Kalsakau, won 26 votes in the 52-member House, while the government got 23 votes.

There was one abstention — from the Speaker — one seat is vacant and one is empty due to that MP getting medical treatment overseas.

Vanuatu’s constitution states that an absolute majority is needed to oust a prime minister and this has been interpreted to mean 27 MPs in the 52-member Parliament.

Legal precedent
Kalsakau said there was legal precedent to support this position.

In the judgment released today, the judge said the court “concludes that the actual number of members of Parliament when this vote was taken is the relevant number on which an absolute majority should be based”.

“It is the view of this court that the applicants have shown that their Constitutional rights, as set out in the application filed on 17th August 2023, have been infringed by the 1st respondent,” the judgment said.

“They are entitled to relief sought.”

It also said an order would be issued about that relief, but the order would include a stay to allow an appeal before any further steps are taken to enforce the order.

Supreme Court has just ruled that the vote of 26 MP’s to oust the PM last week was valid and that the PM was voted out by an absolute majority of 26 in a Parliament with 51 members. So we are still only in Government due to a stay order granted to allow us time to appeal.

— Ralph Regenvanu (@RRegenvanu) August 25, 2023

Cathy Solomon, 64, who lives in Port Vila, said the majority of people in Vanuatu were suffering because of “unfair and sad” politicians who were only thinking of self preservation.

She said the country’s politicians had failed in their purpose as elected representatives of the people.

She said it was time for more women to get into Parliament so they could challenge and change Vanuatu’s precarious political situation.

Hendon Kalsakau, 65, a chief of the Coconut Tribe on Ifira island, said the situation was “affecting deeply” the ni-Vanuatu people.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

The late Sir Rabbie Namaliu’s character and his humble leadership featured well in one of Australia’s top news organisations –– News Corp Australia and its executive chairman Michael Miller has paid a tribute.

Businessman Frank Kramer, reading out a special eulogy from the business point of view reflecting on the life of Sir Rabbie at the National Haus Krai on Sunday night repeatedly echoed the man he was.

In his address, he read out Miller’s condolence message sent to the family and friends of the late Sir Rabbie among others.

• READ MORE: PNG’s Sir Rabbie blessed at birth – ‘he’ll be a big man, clever’
• Other Sir Rabbie Namaliu reports

Sir Rabbie joined the Post-Courier board as a director on February 2013 and had been there until he died on March 31, 2023.

Miller’s message read: “On behalf of everyone at News Corp Australia, I’d like to express our deepest condolences to Sir Rabbie’s family, friends and colleagues at this sad time.

“Sir Rabbie lived a rich life dedicated to public service and to the people of PNG.

“He will be missed but never forgotten and will, especially, be remembered for the quiet authority he brought to PNG’s often robust political scene and for the strong, eloquent and unflinching advocacy made on behalf of his people as prime minister and in many other roles in government and public life.

“Sir Rabbie was a patriot, a good friend to many and as a director of the board of the Post-Courier, [he] did much to further the cause of free speech and the importance to his country’s fledgling democracy of a free and fearless media.”

Gorethy Kenneth is a senior PNG Post-Courier reporter. Republished with permission.

Deputy Prime Minister John Rosso has described the late Sir Rabbie Namaliu as a “shining example” of what politicians and leaders of today should aspire to be.

Paying his tribute yesterday at the Vunapope Conference Centre, Kokopo, yesterday, Rosso said: “We should learn from people like Sir Rabbie, in terms of honesty, transparency, integrity, not only leaders but ordinary citizens as well.”

Rosso said Sir Rabbie, PNG’s fourth prime minister, had achieved a lot in his life, something others could only aspire to achieve.

• READ MORE:  PNG’s Sir Rabbie blessed at birth – ‘he’ll be a big man, clever’
• Other Sir Rabbie Namaliu reports

“He was a great statesman and a gentleman both in his private, professional and political life and has left a behind a great legacy.”

Rosso said that the death of Sir Rabbie was an unfortunate loss for the country as PNG has already lost some of its great leaders in Sir Michael Somare, Sir Mekere Morauta and others who had contributed to the nation.

He also acknowledged the late Sir Rabbie in his contributions towards the establishment of the University of Papua New Guinea (UPNG), saying Sir Rabbie had always had a heart for the people.

Sir Rabbie was one of the many leaders that shaped the country’s administration and policy from 1972 through to independence in 1975 until he took public office in 1982.

Rosso said he would remember him as a very humble man, who was respected in East New Britain and Papua New Guinea.

“Sir Rabbie was a humble and honest man, not just a senior statesman but a friend, colleague, father, brother and grandfather,” he said.

Rosso said that on behalf of his family, the Pangu Party and the people of Lae, he passed on his words of sympathy to the late statesman’s family and larger community of East New Britain.

He said Prime Minister James Marape and the government send their deepest condolence and sympathy as well to the immediate family of Sir Rabbie and the people of Raluana, East New Britain Province, saying it was indeed a sad day for PNG.

Diane Wilson reports for the PNG Post-Courier. Republished with permission.

Jacinda Ardern’s resignation as prime minister in January was a courageous and pragmatic decision for herself, her family and her party.

Although many said she had done a great job as leader, she rightly reminded us that a great leader is “one who knows when it’s time to go”.

Since hitting stellar heights in mid-2020, Ardern’s Labour Party had dropped significantly in the polls and was trailing the opposition National Party throughout 2022.

• READ MORE: NZ election 2020: Jacinda Ardern promised transformation — instead, the times transformed her
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The “Jacinda effect” had switched from being a uniting force to a polarising one. With an election coming in October, it was time for a change.

Her decision to stand down was as politically astute and timely as her elevation to leader of the Labour Party in August 2017. After all, Labour is now ahead of National in recent polls.

By the time she gives her valedictory statement to parliament later today, Ardern will have served as an MP for nearly 15 years. While the intervening period has undoubtedly changed her, she remains in many ways the same person she was as a novice backbencher.

In her maiden speech to the House of Representatives in 2008, she expressed the small-town values that got her started:

Some people have asked me whether I am a radical. My answer to that question is very simple: I am from Morrinsville. Where I come from a radical is someone who chooses to drive a Toyota rather than a Holden or a Ford.

She described herself as a social democrat who believed in human rights, social justice, equality and democracy. She spoke especially about work, education, community and the reduction of poverty – child poverty in particular.

All fine aspirations. But back then, Ardern’s Labour Party was looking at nine long years in opposition after Helen Clark’s three-term government lost power.

Unable to break the run National’s John Key enjoyed as prime minister, Labour went through one leader after another while Ardern rose through the ranks.

In mid-2017, despite a mood for change, it still looked like the election wouldn’t go well for Labour, at the time polling down around 25 percent. Then, at the beginning of August, Andrew Little handed leadership of the party to Ardern. With just seven weeks until the election, it was either an inspired move or the ultimate hospital pass.

As history shows, however, Ardern’s elevation immediately energised Labour’s campaign. It also drew international attention to the New Zealand election, as what became known as “Jacindamania” changed the mood on the streets and in the media.

Accidents of history
Critics sometimes labelled Ardern the “accidental prime minister” — a rookie “appointed” by Winston Peters, whose New Zealand First party held the balance of power in post-election negotiations. Conventional wisdom has it that Ardern simply offered Peters a better coalition deal, despite her party having won fewer seats than National.

But Peters gave those critics some more ammunition during a recent TV interview. He appeared to reveal that New Zealand First was forced to choose coalition with Labour when then-National leader Bill English alerted him to a potential leadership coup by Judith Collins.

According to Peters, English had assured him Collins didn’t have the numbers to pull it off. (Collins would eventually become National leader, of course, losing spectacularly to Ardern at the 2020 election.)

This sliding-doors version of events may be conjecture. But Peters can’t have forgotten how Jenny Shipley had rolled previous National leader and prime minister Jim Bolger in 1997.

That ultimately led to the breakup of the National-New Zealand First coalition in which Peters had been deputy prime minister and treasurer.

Perhaps, then, we have Collins to thank for Ardern’s elevation to the top job. We’ll probably never know.

Rise and fall
The “Jacinda effect” wasn’t a flash in the pan, however. Labour’s election support went from 25 percent in 2014 to 37 percent in 2017, and then to an extraordinary 50 percent in 2020. Coming on the back of Ardern’s exemplary leadership through the covid pandemic, it was an unprecedented result under the country’s proportional MMP system.

Her belief in “kindness” as a political force appeared to have been vindicated, if not for long. While New Zealand eventually recorded the world’s lowest excess mortality rate during the pandemic, this success was far from cost-free. In particular, there was a human and political price to pay for the lockdowns and border closures.

Businesses struggled, many New Zealanders abroad couldn’t return, and many resisted the pressure to be vaccinated. No nation escaped unscathed, and in New Zealand resistance to vaccine mandates boiled over on the grounds of parliament in early 2022.

Some protesters were angered by Ardern’s trademark empathy and kindness, which they now perceived as a false front. Due to the extremist elements among the protests, she refused to address them directly.

Ardern’s positive leadership reputation was earned on her responses to tragedies: the Christchurch terror attack, the Whakaari-White Island eruption, and the pandemic. But no sane politician would have welcomed such crises.

Nor were they part of Ardern’s social democratic plan. In fact, they hindered it. She did a lot for child poverty and family incomes, in line with her core values. But those achievements were overshadowed by a pandemic response that upended her government’s fiscal policy.

Promise unfulfilled
So, if catastrophes were the making of Jacinda’s career as prime minister, they were also the breaking of it. From her first campaign speech in August 2017, she had created a sense of promise that her government was ultimately unable to fulfil.

She claimed climate change was her generation’s “nuclear-free moment”, and that a decent, affordable home was everyone’s right. It sounded great, but on both counts progress fell short of expectation and need. Later, she would capitulate on a full capital gains tax to help solve the housing crisis. That allowed coalition partner Peters to claim credit for the backdown.

But it would also be wrong if the lasting narrative was one of failure to deliver. Her government’s Child Poverty Reduction Act now mandates reporting on progress towards poverty targets, bringing the problem into the engine room of fiscal policy. The Healthy School Lunches program helped reduce food insecurity.

Future governments will encounter strong political resistance if they try to rescind those measures.

Even those tireless advocates for children, the Child Poverty Action Group (CPAG), gave Ardern qualified approval following her resignation — although the truce didn’t last long. CPAG was back on the attack when Stats NZ reported “child poverty rates for the year ended June 2022 were unchanged compared with the previous year”.

A complex legacy
In the end, Ardern did not use the single-party majority she won in 2020 to fix the things she had wanted to fix. When her government saw a problem, its default setting was to say “let’s centralise it” — as if that would do. Good social democratic government was sidelined by bureaucratic shakeups in healthcare, education and (before the plan was cancelled) public broadcasting.

An elaborate structural reform of water services became mired in controversy over Māori co-governance and loss of local democratic control. The sixth Labour government’s only potentially historic contribution to the development of New Zealand’s social security system — a proposed unemployment insurance scheme — was quietly shelved after criticism from both left and right.

So, will Ardern be remembered as one the great Labour leaders? To do so would put her in the pantheon of Michael Joseph Savage and Peter Fraser, who achieved so much in social security, healthcare and education, and who led the country through the Second World War.

It would also place her next to Norman Kirk, whose 1972-75 government universalised accident compensation, introduced the domestic purposes benefit, and stood against French nuclear testing in the Pacific.

Ardern with baby Neve in 2018, the second prime minister to give birth while in office.
Getty Images

It’s a high bar, but not unreasonable to make the case. Ardern broke through barriers for women, most notably giving birth to her daughter while she held office. She united the country after the mosque shootings, soothing what could have become a divisive moment.

By listening to the scientific evidence and advice about covid, she helped save countless lives.

Ardern will undoubtedly be remembered as one of Aotearoa New Zealand’s outstanding prime ministers. This may not be for reasons of her choosing, though. Once the disaster management is accounted for, there are no major lasting achievements for which her government will be cited in the history books.

What will be remembered is Ardern’s exemplary and highly effective leadership through covid. Yet there is no “kind” pathway through an unkind pandemic.

Nevertheless, Jacinda Ardern is owed gratitude for all that she did — and acknowledgement of all she had to endure — to get her nation through it.

Dr Grant Duncan is associate professor, School of People, Environment and Planning, Massey University. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons licence. Read the original article.

Papua New Guinea’s fourth prime minister, Sir Rabbie Namaliu, has died — four days shy of his 76th birthday which would have been celebrated today.

The late Sir Rabbie was born Rabbie Langanai Namaliu on April 3, 1947, to early local missionaries Darius and Utul Ioan Namaliu, at a mission station at Watnabara, Duke of York, in East New Britain Province. He was the eldest of eight.

In the wake of his death, Andrew Ilam, a first cousin to Sir Rabbie, recollects the blessing Sir Rabbie received at birth by the early white missionaries.

• READ MORE: Sir Rabbie Langanai Namaliu: PNG’s fourth PM dies
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“When he was born, because he had a big head, the sisters would carry him every morning. And they told his parents: ‘You know what, when this man grows up, he’s going to be a big man.

“He’s going to be a clever, educated man’,” Ilam said.

“So they actually blessed him for what he was doing when he grew up. This is what happened to him.”

When Sir Rabbie was old enough, his father enrolled him at Raluana Primary. He went on to Vunamami Vocational, a feeder school to Kerevat during the 1960s. In 1966, Sir Rabbie finished from Kerevat National High School. He was ready for university.

Told to ‘stay back’
Sir Rabbie’s younger brother, Jack, recalls that at that time most of the students would have gone to New South Wales to attend university. However, his brother’s group was told to stay back.

They were the first students to attend the University of Papua New Guinea at a time when there were still no buildings.

“He studied political science and history while living in temporary accommodation, a tent hitched at the Admin College,” Jack said.

Upon his father’s urging, Sir Rabbie was forced to turn down a job offer with the United Nations.

“He had already signed his contract and written to our father. But because we were getting ready for Independence, my father wrote back, telling my brother that he could not stay abroad, he needed to be here to help Sir Michael Somare prepare for Independence,” Jack said.

Jack, shaking his head, said: “The late Sir Michael even had to send the late Sir Pita Lus and late Sir Maori Kiki to Canada to press him to return.

“We knew Sir Michael well. Our fathers were very close.”

From lecturer to government
Sir Rabbie later left UPNG where he worked as a lecturer and in 1974 he became Sir Michael’s Principal Private Secretary.

“Sir Michael sent him back here … before Independence as the first local District Commissioner for ENB [East New Britain]. That time there was so many associations and movements in the province. He brought everyone together. That’s where everyone agreed to having provincial governments,” Jack said.

Sir Rabbie first became an MP in 1982. He was Member for Kokopo for five consecutive terms until 2007.

Jack remembers: “That was the year the voting system was changed to LPV (limited preferential voting). Not too many people knew about this and a lot of people were confused.

“And that’s probably why he lost. Otherwise he would have remained an MP.

“He accepted defeat and he congratulated his successor, the late Patrick Tamur. Consecutive elections after, people and leaders asked him to stand again but he refused. He had a principle that if he was defeated, the trust was no longer there so he stayed away.”

Vocal man for the people
In the years after politics and up until his passing, Sir Rabbie sat on a number of national and international boards. He remained a vocal man, with his heart for the people.

“He gives advice to anybody, even to the MP’s after him. He would say if you have any problems, come and see me — none of them have ever come to him. But he is a humble person, he does not want to hurt anybody,” Jack said.

Late last year, the late Sir Rabbie had decided he wanted to write a book.

Jack said: “We started on it and Dr Ilave Vele from UPNG agreed he would write Sir Rabbie’s biography. We’ll probably still have to pursue it and complete it.

“He pre-sold the whole book. He hadn’t even written it yet. He did have a title but I’ve forgotten … maybe we can still push it.”

Jean Nuia is a PNG Post-Courier reporter. Republished with permission.

Tuesday, February 7, at 2pm. That’s when New Zealand’s new Prime Minister Chris Hipkins’ parliamentary year begins and he faces National leader Christopher Luxon in the debating chamber for the first question time of 2023.

He needs to “Win the House”, as the saying goes. That means getting the better of the other side, and Hipkins has to show his caucus that he is up to it.

Hipkins is a vastly experienced parliamentarian, but there is nothing like being in the hot seat directly facing the leader of the opposition.

• READ MORE: Other NZ politics reports

He can be expected to take it to Luxon and ACT leader David Seymour more aggressively than Jacinda Ardern did, he is more of a “take no prisoners” politician than she was and he needs to get some hits in early on.

Hipkins has had a great start with two opinion polls showing Labour has regained the ground it lost to National.

The 1News Kantar poll showed Labour up five points to 38 percent and National down one point to 37 percent.

Newshub’s Reid Research poll had Labour up 5.7 points to 38 percent and National down 4.1 points to 36.6 percent.

Hipkins slightly ahead
In the preferred prime minister stakes, Hipkins was slightly ahead of Luxon in both polls.

Stuff‘s political editor Luke Malpass said the polls showed what no Labour figures dared to consider a fortnight ago — that the party might have better prospects under a leader other than Jacinda Ardern.

“Hipkins, it now appears, could be that person,” he said.

“In other words, by the time Ardern left she might have been a drag on the party vote.”

Luxon dismissed the poll results, saying nothing had changed.

“It’s the same government, and a new leader who can’t deliver,” he said. “It’s going to be an incredibly tight race.”

The poll details, and what the results would mean in terms of seats if an election was held now, are on RNZ’s website.

Labour’s new champion
After settling in to his debating chamber role as Labour’s new champion, Hipkins has to get his next big agenda item off the blocks — ditching policies and programmes that are in the way of his pledge to totally focus on “bread and butter” issues that affect people, which means the cost of living.

This process was started by Ardern at the end of last year and Hipkins needs to get it done and dusted because there’s sure to be the usual cries of “U-turn, U-turn”.

Although Ardern and Hipkins have explained it as necessary to the new focus on dealing with inflation and the cost of living crisis, there Is also an obvious political need in election year.

Labour wants to get rid of liabilities, policies and programmes that are causing trouble and are easy targets for the opposition.

Hipkins needs what MPs call clear air to explain and implement policies Labour hopes will reset the party’s direction, entrench the lead over National and ACT, and deliver a platform for the election campaign.

The new prime minister may be in his honeymoon period but the media knows he has to deliver.

“He will have to show there is more on the tin than just a new sticker, and in pretty short order,” said Malpass.

“It won’t be enough to just chuck the odd media merger and dank old bits of legislation over the side: It will have to be replaced by some actions on the ‘bread and butter’ issues Chris Hipkins says he is concerned about.”

Plagued by troubles
The New Zealand Herald’s political editor Claire Trevett said Hipkins’ job was to convince voters that Labour was focused “on the various troubles plaguing them now — from potholes to hip ops to the price of bread”.

“The talk is one thing, the delivery is another. Hipkins has no real option but to deliver.”

There’s been speculation about which policies and programmes will get the chop or be put on the slow track, and Stuff published a list with the top three being the RNZ/TVNZ merger, the Income Insurance Scheme (which National calls a jobs tax) and Auckland Light Rail.

It said other lesser known projects could join the list.

Hipkins must also deal with Three Waters, which has given the government more problems than anything else.

That’s more difficult because the legislation has been passed, but Hipkins has acknowledged he has to do something about it.

“We are going to look closely at the Three Waters programme,” he told Trevett in an interview. “There’s no question there has to be change. I don’t think we can just sit back and say ‘this is not our problem, this is a council problem’.

“I don’t think that would be responsible. But we also need to bring people along with us and what we are doing.”

Policy clear-out
When it comes to the policy clear-out, Hipkins has much more freedom than Ardern would have had.

She would have faced ferocious opposition attacks for dumping policies she had supported, her words would have been thrown back at her.

But Hipkins is a new prime minister, doing things his way, just as Ardern told him when she said “you must do you”. She was giving him free rein to do it his way.

Did she know Labour was heading in the wrong direction under her leadership, and that it wouldn’t win the next election unless there was drastic change?

One commentator who thinks so is Matthew Hooton.

Writing in the Herald, Hooton said Ardern so badly wanted her government to win a third term that she was prepared to step down.

“Labour’s masterful transition was carefully planned before Christmas by Ardern and her closest allies, Grant Robertson and Chris Hipkins, and flawlessly executed,” he said.

Capturing the initiative
“Political strategists spend every December working out how to capture the initiative in January, especially in election year. None has ever succeeded like Labour over the last week.”

Luxon hasn’t had a good run-up to the new parliamentary year.

Inevitably, he’s been eclipsed by Hipkins simply because he is the new prime minister but when Luxon has been able to get into the media he might have wished he hadn’t.

“National strategists seem dumbstruck,” Hooton said in his article. “Christopher Luxon was more incoherent than usual trying to explain where he stands on co-governance, the Māori seats, and whether women politicians receive worse abuse than males, pleasing neither the liberal nor conservative wings of his party.”

Stuff’s Andrea Vance said Luxon had actually helped ease Hipkins into the job “by being more mediocre than usual”.

“Somehow Luxon — whose one job last week was to stay on message — managed to drive down a co-governance cul-de-sac at`Rātana, and then spend the rest of the week doing bunny-hop u-turns to get out of it,” she said.

“And how did he manage to piss off women, again? The correct answer was ‘yes’, Christopher. Female politicians patently face more abuse than men.”

Abuse of women
She was referring to Luxon responding to a question about whether women politicians suffered more abuse than men by saying he wasn’t sure.

When Hipkins takes his seat in Parliament on Tuesday he’ll have his revamped front bench alongside him.

The cabinet reshuffle, as RNZ reported, means some of the government’s most contentious portfolios will have a fresh face.

One of the most interesting facets was Hipkins’ decision to appoint Michael Wood as Minister for Auckland.

Hipkins explained the need to “get Auckland pumping” after a difficult couple of years, but there’s a political imperative behind it as well which the Herald’s Trevett saw.

“It is aimed as a pre-emptive counter to the inevitable attacks from Auckland-based opposition leaders such as Christopher Luxon and David Seymour that the Wellington-based Hipkins is a beltway creation and out of touch with Auckland’s concerns,” she said.

“It sends a signal that Hipkins has his eye on Auckland and knows its importance.”

Peter Wilson is a life member of Parliament’s press gallery, 22 years as NZPA’s political editor and seven as parliamentary bureau chief for NZ Newswire. This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

By John Pulu, Tagata Pasifika presenter/reporter/director

It’s been a busy start for the newly elected leader of Fiji, Sitiveni Rabuka.

And while he’s only held the role for a little over a month, walking into the Prime Minister’s office felt familiar for the leader of the People’s Alliance (PA) party.

“The office dynamics are still the same,” he says.

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“It was just like going back to an old car or an old bicycle that you have driven before or ridden before.

“The people are new…[there’s] possible generational difficulties and views but I have not encountered any since the month I came into the office.”

However, his journey into office was not an easy one. After the initial tally of votes at last years’ December election, neither Rabuka nor his predecessor Voreqe Bainimarama had gained a comfortable majority to take Parliament.

Sodelpa (Social Democratic Liberal Party) became the kingmakers, voting to form a coalition with the PA, and they were joined by the National Federation Party (NFP).

Bainimarama out of office
For the first time since 2014, Bainimarama was out of office. Rabuka says they have not spoken since the election.

“There has been no communication since the outcome,” he says.

“It was something I tried to encourage when I was in the opposition and opposition leader, for across-the-floor discussions on matters that affect the nation.

“We grew up in the same profession…we are friends,” Rabuka insists.

However, there’s plenty else to keep Rabuka busy at this time.

The coalition trinity means more cooks in the kitchen, but Rabuka is confident that they can work together to lead Fiji.

“I worked with the National Federation Party in 1999. Sodelpa was the party I helped to register,” he recalls.

‘Differences in past’
“There might have been differences in the past but we are still family and it’s only natural for us to come together and work together again.”

They’ve already enacted a number of changes including lifting a ban on a number of Fijians who were exiled by the previous government.

“It’s interesting that many of those returning thought they were on a blacklist,” Rabuka muses.

“When we asked Immigration, Immigration [said] ‘there is no such thing as a blacklist, or anyone being prohibited from coming back’.

“They all came back and they were very happy. But it also reflected the freedom in the atmosphere.”

And speaking of freedom, investigations into former attorney-general Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum have reportedly been suspended.

Under investigation
According to FBC News, Sayed-Khaiyum was under investigation for allegedly inciting communal antagonism.

Rabuka says Sayed-Khaiyum is a person of interest, but isn’t yet subjected to any prosecution processes at this time.

“But if it develops from there, there might be restrictions on his movement – particularly out of Fiji.”

Public Interest Journalism funded through NZ On Air. Republished from Tagata Pasifika with permission.

Prime Minister Chris Hipkins has put the “bread and butter” issue of inflation at the top of his government’s agenda for Aotearoa New Zealand, saying today’s figures confirm that is the right approach.

Opposition leader Christopher Luxon continues to cast the government as having done nothing about the cost of living, but Hipkins argues the government’s actions are making a difference.

Annual inflation numbers for the quarter out from Stats NZ today were unchanged at 7.2 percent, roughly in line with expectations.

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There are signs inflation may have peaked, and some supermarkets are expecting drops in fruit and vegetable prices in coming weeks, but rate rises and recession are still expected.

Economists say there is unlikely to be much respite from rising costs this year.

Speaking in his first media briefing as prime minister after chairing Cabinet, Hipkins said the work on reprioritising policy to tackle the issue had “started in earnest”.

“We will be reining in some of our plans, putting them on a slower track, giving us more room to move and greater capacity to focus on the immediate priority issues facing New Zealand, particularly the cost-of-living pressures that have been caused by the global economic situation.”

Not unusual
He said the inflation numbers from today were not unusual in comparison to other global economies — but the government would continue to work to reduce it.

“Our overall rate of inflation: 7.2 percent here in New Zealand, 7.8 percent in Australia, 10.5 percent in the United Kingdom, the OECD average is 10.3 percent, the European Union is 11.1 percent,” he said.

“The Treasury is forecasting real government consumption will fall by about 8.2 percent over the next couple of years which they say indicates that fiscal policy is supporting monetary policy in dampening inflationary pressures — but there’s more to do and the fight must and will continue.

“New Zealand is not immune to those international pressures and they will continue to have an impact on our rate of inflation.”

Luxon was earlier visiting a budgeting service in Papakura, Auckland, and led his comments to reporters afterwards with a familiar litany of criticism, saying those using the service were the same people using foodbanks up and down the country.

“Again a third quarter of inflation sitting at 7.2 percent or thereabouts. It just speaks to a government that is causing huge pain and suffering for people because it has no plan and it’s not tackling the underlying issues of inflation,” he said.

“That then leads to higher levels of interest rates. Higher levels of interest rates ultimately then lead us through to a recession and a recession then leads us into unemployment. I see a government that has had no plan to tackle the underlying causes of inflation, and nothing they have done over the last nine months has made a single difference here.”

He was not buying Hipkins’ language about reprioritisation and renewed focus on the economy.

‘It’s just words’
“He can say whatever he wants, it’s just words. The reality is this is a government with Grant Robertson as a Finance Minister over the whole period of this government.

“Nothing’s changed, so the reality is he can say whatever he wants but I find it incredibly cynical that here we are six months, seven months out from an election and all of a sudden we’re miraculously gonna focus on the economy. Give me a break.”

Luxon listed National’s “five-point inflation-fighting plan” as their own solution to the problem:

• Not adding costs to businesses which will be passed on to consumers through higher prices
• Open up immigration settings to grow the productive economy
• Control government spending “incredibly well and tightly as we expect people to do in their household budgets”
• Inflation-adjusted tax thresholds
• Refocus the Reserve Bank solely on inflation

Hipkins argued the government had been doing its part to address the underlying causes, including at the petrol pump and the supermarket, and it was having an impact.

He listed fuel tax cuts, and changes to benefit rates as examples where the government had stepped in, and said while it was too early to see the results of changes to immigration from a month ago, he had heard positive feedback from businesses.

More changes
He said the government would not stop there and would continue to make changes — and May’s budget was not set in stone.

“There is an opportunity for us to make sure that the Budget reflects the priorities that I’ve set out,” he said, while drawing a line between carrying out the policy promises of this term of government — and campaigning for the next.

“In terms of our tax policy for the next election New Zealanders will know it well in advance of the election. I’m not going to announce a tax policy on day one.”

He signalled he would not forget other priorities — highlighting climate change as well as education, health and housing — but all of them were linked to cost-of-living pressures, he said.

“If you look at the inflationary figures today the cost of building a new house is one of the things that’s contributing to that.

“We’ve seen significant population growth and we haven’t built the right number of houses to keep up with that, that’s never going to turn around overnight but we’re making good progress.”

Luxon targeted the closure of the Marsden Point Oil Refinery as one area the government had not thought through the consequences of, however, with shortages of CO2 and Bitumen impacting some sectors of the economy.

Strategic assets
“There are some strategic assets that actually are important to New Zealand and actually in the context of more global uncertainty you want to make sure you’ve got resilience and you’ve got the backup to the backup to the backup.

“I’m used to running risk management scenarios . . . I get it, we want to move out of fossil fuels, but actually at the moment we’ve knocked off our gas sector and now we’re importing what, three times as much Indonesian coal as any year in a National government?”

“The ambition’s easy to state but actually if you don’t think through the detail of it you end up with these consequences that cause us a different set of problems.”

Hipkins certainly has a big job ahead of him in wrangling an inflation juggernaut powered in large part by similar rises in costs overseas.

While he refused to make any commitments on his first day in the job, he was confident New Zealand would soon see the effects.

“New Zealanders will certainly see over the coming weeks and months the evidence of the fact that we’ve made it our number one priority.”

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

A mother, daughter of a migrant and an “OG Taranaki girl” – they are some of the ways Aotearoa New Zealand’s new Deputy Prime Minister Carmel Sepuloni describes herself, reports TVNZ’s 1News.

She is also the first New Zealander of Pacific Island heritage to take on the role.

Addressing reporters in the Beehive Theatrette with incoming Prime Minister Chris Hipkins on Sunday, Sepuloni said she would back Hipkins “every step of the way” and was humbled to be chosen as his deputy.

• READ MORE: Chris Hipkins becomes NZ’s new prime minister – there are two ways it can go from here
• Hipkins energised and excited about chance to become NZ’s PM
• Chris Hipkins: From Head Boy to Prime Minister
• Former NZ PM Helen Clark calls for rethink on political debate in wake of Ardern resignation
• Other reports

“It’s very hard to fathom that a working class girl from Waitara who turned westie . . . can become the deputy prime minister of New Zealand — and now I get to back up the boy from the Hutt”

Sepuloni, who was also New Zealand’s first MP of Tongan descent, was referencing Hipkins’ description of himself from a press stand-up interview on Saturday, reports 1News political reporter Felix Desmarais.

On Sunday, Sepuloni said she was “proudly Samoan, Tongan and New Zealand European”.

She will be the first Pacific Islander and third woman to hold the position.

She said she represented “generations of New Zealanders with mixed heritage” and acknowledged the significance of the moment to Pacific communities.

“As deputy prime minister I will continue to be focused [on] serving our communities and whānau and Aotearoa.”

Carmel Sepuloni makes history.                                 Video: Television New Zealand News

She acknowledged outgoing prime minister and deputy Jacinda Ardern and Grant Robertson and said they were “big shoes to fill”.

The deputy leader of the Labour Party remains Kelvin Davis.

Curated by Pacific Media Watch from Television New Zealand News.

The ‘girl from Waitara’ – Carmel Sepuloni makes history https://t.co/Sj5E0eGcOn

— 1News (@1NewsNZ) January 22, 2023

Following the surprise resignation of Jacinda Ardern on January 19, Aotearoa New Zealand already has a new Prime Minister and Labour Party leader: Chris Hipkins.

The handover from Ardern to Hipkins has been achieved with the same efficiency as the handover from Andrew Little to Ardern in 2017. But will it be as successful?

Hipkins entered Parliament in 2008 — along with Ardern. Under Ardern’s leadership, he held ministerial portfolios in education, police and public services, and was Leader of the House.

• READ MORE: ‘The shoes needing filling are on the large side of big’ – Jacinda Ardern’s legacy and Labour’s new challenge
• Ardern’s resignation as New Zealand prime minister is a game changer for the 2023 election
• Jacinda Ardern’s resignation: gender and the toll of strong, compassionate leadership
• Carmel Sepuloni: New Zealand’s new Deputy Prime Minister
• More Jacinda Ardern reports

His role as education minister includes a (not altogether successful) centralisation of all the country’s polytechnics under one administrative umbrella — a form of restructuring typical of this Labour government.

He distinguished himself during the covid pandemic as a hard-working and competent leader who contributed a much-needed clarity and common sense. He is a dependable and intelligent politician who does not mind being an attack dog when it is called for.

As leader with Tongan Carmel Sepuloni as his deputy, however, Hipkins now faces an uphill battle, with his party trailing the opposition National Party in the most recent published polls. But he lacks Ardern’s charisma.

In 2017, there was an instant “Jacindamania” effect when she took the party leadership, and Labour’s polling shot up. One simply can’t imagine a “Chris-mania”, however. But maybe that’s not a bad thing right now.

Game over?
There are two ways this could go now. First, the nightmare scenario for Labour: the government continues to be sniped at over controversial and unpopular policies such as the Three Waters programme and the income insurance scheme, economic problems continue to damage household budgets, the opposition leaders (both National’s Christopher Luxon and ACT’s David Seymour) have a field day.

In head-to-head debates with Luxon once the election campaign begins, Hipkins lacks the fire that Ardern was able to show when she needed it, and becomes political roadkill at the ballot box on October 14.

Labour supporters wake up in a cold sweat.

Carmel Sepuloni: New Zealand’s new Deputy Prime Minister https://t.co/91TMUI2wud

— RNZ News (@rnz_news) January 22, 2023

With Labour’s ongoing slump in the polls, trailing National by around five or six percentage points, this scenario cannot be ruled out. Following defeat, Labour could go into the kind of spiral it endured after Helen Clark’s loss in 2008, with one unsuccessful leader after another.

We can recall the defeat of Labour’s Phil Goff in 2011 and David Cunliffe in 2014 when up against National’s John Key. And, to be fair, National suffered a similarly bad run after Bill English stood down in 2018 and until Luxon became leader in November 2021.

“Chris Hipkins has been part of a government that has spectacularly failed to get anything done and what New Zealanders need is a National government that is going to get things done.”https://t.co/w67vxckHaw

— RNZ (@radionz) January 21, 2023

A new hope?
So is there a dream scenario for Labour? With Ardern’s charismatic — and now rather polarising — personality heading for the exit, the party could turn things around.

New leadership licences a significant cabinet reshuffle and (more importantly) a refresh of policy. Labour could now neutralise (or even dump) some policy proposals that are presently causing public dissatisfaction.

Rather than Hipkins having somehow to fill Ardern’s shoes, he could follow his own path in his own trusty trainers.

An advantage he has is an apparent unanimity of support from his caucus. This suggests his team is focused on beating National rather than beating one another.

But can Labour win back the support of those middle-ground voters who have shifted to the centre-right? It appears many of those who have swung away from Labour actually liked Ardern.

And Ardern remained on top in preferred prime minister polls right up until days before she resigned.

We could infer from this that a leadership change on its own will not suffice to woo these voters back. The loss of Ardern could indeed precipitate a further drop in polling for Labour.

A policy reset
Late in 2022, Ardern had stated that the government’s focus this year would be the economy. And National will inevitably use the line that they (National) are the more competent when it comes to “managing the economy”.

If Labour is serious about winning the 2023 election, then, they need to convince enough voters of the following:

• they are addressing the real economic concerns that are affecting people presently;
• they have taken heed of people’s disquiet over some current policy changes and are prepared to revise them; and
• they are not going any further with controversial matters, especially co-governance with Māori, without first seeking a wider public understanding and consensus.

Hipkins is a competent and reliable person. If he has his party’s backing to revise or backtrack on policy, then he may have some success. With less focus on personalities this time around, his best hope may be to convince people his government is serious about resetting the country’s direction.

Dr Grant Duncan, associate professor, School of People, Environment and Planning, Massey University. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons licence. Read the original article.

Chris Hipkins says the opportunity to become Prime Minister of Aotearoa New Zealand is the biggest privilege of his life and his eyes are wide open for the challenges that lie ahead.

Hipkins began a media briefing today by saying: “I can confirm that I have put my name forward to be the next leader of the New Zealand Labour Party and therefore the next Prime Minister of New Zealand.

“I am absolutely humbled and honoured,” Hipkins said about the Labour Party caucus choosing him. He was the only nominee to succeed Jacinda Ardern who announced her resignation this week after almost completing two terms as prime minister.

• READ MORE: Chris Hipkins: From Head Boy to Prime Minister
• Former NZ PM Helen Clark calls for rethink on political debate in wake of Ardern resignation
• From ‘pretty communist’ to ‘Jabcinda’ – what’s behind the vitriol directed at Jacinda Ardern?
• NZ election 2020: Jacinda Ardern promised transformation — instead, the times transformed her
• Anniversary of a landslide: new research reveals what really swung New Zealand’s 2020 ‘COVID election’
• Other Jacinda Ardern articles

“There is still a bit to go in this process. There is still a meeting tomorrow and a vote, and I don’t want to get too far ahead of that.

“I do want to thank them for the way the process has been handled. I do think we’re an incredibly strong team. We have gone through this process with unity and we will continue to do that.”

At 44, one of the group of strong young — but highly experienced — leaders in the ruling Labour Party, Chris Hipkins was the stand out choice to lead the party into the election on October 14.

The face of NZ’s covid-19 pandemic response from November 2020 onwards, he is currently serving as Minister of Education, Minister of Police, Minister for the Public Service and Leader of the House.

‘Incredibly optimistic’
Hipkins said he was “incredibly optimistic about New Zealand’s future”.

“I am really looking forward to the job. I am feeling energised and enthusiastic and I am looking forward to getting to the work.

“It’s a big day for a boy from the Hutt,” he told reporters.

Labour’s Chris Hipkins addresses the nation.         Video: RNZ New

“It’s an enormous privilege. It’s also an enormous responsibility and the weight of that responsibility is still sinking in.”

Hipkins said he would avoid comments on positions or policies today, because the process was not yet finished and he was not confirmed as Prime Minister yet.

Asked if Labour can win the election, Hipkins simply says, “Yes.”

He would not address speculation about who his deputy prime minister would be at this time.

Challenging situations
“I thoroughly enjoyed being a minister in Jacinda Ardern’s Cabinet. I think the New Zealand public have seen the work I have done.”

He said he had dealt with some challenging situations and he made mistakes from time to time.

Addressing the journalist Charlotte Bellis MIQ case, in which he disclosed some of her personal details, Hipkins said he had apologised to her and considered the case closed.

“There is nowhere else in the world that I would want to live and want to be raising my kids” than New Zealand, he said. The country was navigating economic turbulence but would come through it.

“The vast bulk of New Zealanders are very proud about what we achieved around covid,” Hipkins says.

“Yes, there’s a vocal minority that would like to rewrite history but actually I think New Zealand as a country would be proud of what we achieved through covid.”

“I acknowledge that the lockdown in Auckland was really hard,” he said.

“I think hopefully New Zealanders know me as someone who is up front, doesn’t mind admitting when they’ve made a mistake, and can laugh at themselves.”

‘I don’t intend to lose’
Asked if he would stay on as opposition leader if Labour loses the October election, Hipkins said: “I don’t intend to lose.”

“I am here to make sure that New Zealanders who go out there and work hard to make a better life for their famlies can succeed and do so. … That’s what Labour has always stood for and it’s absolutely why I’m in politics.”

He said there was already a reshuffle coming. He had a lot of conversations with his parliamentary colleagues about the position once Ardern resigned and he was very interested in keeping a consensus.

Asked about Ardern being “burned out”, Hipkins said: “I’ve had a good summer break, I’ve absolutely come back energised and refreshed and ready to get into it.”

Asked for a little detail about himself, he said: “I grew up in the Hutt, my parents came from relatively humble beginnings and worked really hard to give a good life to my brother and I.

“I like to cycle, I like to garden. Maybe I don’t have the best fashion sense in Parliament … but I am who I am.”

Asked about the abuse on social media that has been highlighted in the wake of Ardern’s resignation, he said: “I think there has been an escalation of vitriol and some politicians have been a subject of that more than others.”

‘Intolerable’ abuse
He calling some of the abuse Ardern had faced “intolerable”.

“I go into this job with my eyes wide open of knowing what I’ve stepped into.”

“No one’s perfect, and I don’t pretend to be,” Hipkins said.

“Jacinda Ardern has been an incredible Prime Minister for New Zealand. She was the leader for New Zealand at the time that we needed it,” he says, citing her many challenges.

“Jacinda provided calm, reassured leadership which I hope to continue to do. We are different people, though, and I hope that people will see that.”

Hipkins said that if Grant Robertson was happy to stay as finance minister, he was more than welcome to remain.

Asked if he was willing to be called “Prime Minister Chippy,” he said, “people will call me what they call me”.

Pivotal role
Hipkins said the Māori caucus would continue to play a pivotal role in government.

“I’ve got an amazing team to work with and I intend to absolutely make the most of that.

“It is the biggest responsibility and it is the biggest privilege of my life. All of the experiences that I’ve had in my life have contributed to this point.”

Asked if he believed he’d be prime minister one day, Hipkins said, “I don’t really believe in destiny in politics. I actually believe in hard work.”

Hipkins said he had talked to Ardern since the result became clear, and he would be sitting down with her soon as they needed to work out details of the transfer of power.

“I’ve had a lot of messages from my constituency. They’re happy to have the first PM from the Hutt I think for generations.”

Hipkins has also spoken to Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese.

“There are so many messages on my phone,” he said.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ. 

Well, no one saw that coming. For those in New Zealand relieved that Christmas was over because it means politics resumes, this week held the promise of a cabinet reshuffle, the possible unveiling of some meaty new policy and — if we were really lucky — the announcement of the date of this year’s general election.

We got the last of these (it will be on October 14). What we also got, however, was the announcement that in three weeks’ time one of the most popular — and powerful — prime ministers in recent New Zealand history will be stepping down.

It isn’t difficult to divine why Jacinda Ardern has reached her decision. As she herself put it:

I believe that leading a country is the most privileged job anyone could ever have but also one of the more challenging. You cannot and should not do it unless you have a full tank plus a bit in reserve for those unexpected challenges.

She has had more than her fair share of such challenges: a domestic terror attack in Christchurch, a major natural disaster at Whakaari-White Island, a global pandemic and, most recently, a cost-of-living crisis.

• READ MORE: From ‘pretty communist’ to ‘Jabcinda’ – what’s behind the vitriol directed at Jacinda Ardern?
• NZ election 2020: Jacinda Ardern promised transformation — instead, the times transformed her
• Anniversary of a landslide: new research reveals what really swung New Zealand’s 2020 ‘COVID election’
• Other Jacinda Ardern articles

On top of that, of course, she has had to chart a way through the usual slate of policy issues that have bedevilled governments for decades in this country, including the cost of housing, child poverty, inequality and the climate crisis.

Clearly, the Ardern tank is empty.

But it isn’t just about the policy. Along with other women politicians, Ardern faces a constant barrage of online and in-person abuse — from anti-vaxxers, misogynists and sundry others who simply don’t like her.

As others with direct experience of this have written, the deterioration in civic discourse in New Zealand has been profound and disturbing, especially since the violent occupation of the parliamentary precinct in early 2022.

#BREAKING: New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern will not seek re-election and has revealed the date she will stand down https://t.co/UET5ZoszD1 #Newshub pic.twitter.com/fPAROdI5l2

— Newshub (@NewshubNZ) January 19, 2023

Ardern has spent the past two years right on the frontline of this sort of toxicity. This has taken a toll — on her, on her family, on those close to her — and has played a part in her decision.

A tale of two legacies
In time, however, what people will remember most about Ardern’s term in office is the manner of her response to serious crises. She has faced more than any other New Zealand prime minister in recent history and, in the main, has responded with calmness, dignity and clarity.

There are always competing points of view on these matters, of course. But her refusal to engage in the rhetoric of abuse or disparagement (her recent reference in Parliament to an opposition MP as an “arrogant prick” aside), which has become the stock-in-trade of too many elected representatives, has marked her out in a world in which abuse has become normalised in politics.

Critics may deride this as “mere performance”. But politics is — above all else — a matter of controlling the narrative. And for a long time Ardern and her team were very good at this.

That said, there is plenty she hasn’t achieved. She came to power promising transformation, but inequality and poverty remain weeping sores on the body politic.

Her Labour government has not been able to alleviate the chronic shortage of public housing that has existed for many years, and workforces in public health, education and construction face challenges no future government will relish.

No obvious successor
Attention now turns to Labour’s leadership and the party’s caucus vote this Sunday. A majority of 60 percent plus one more vote is required to secure the position, and Labour will be hoping this is what happens.

If not, the party’s constitution requires it to establish an electoral college comprising the caucus (which gets 40 percent of the total vote), the wider party membership (40 percent) and affiliate members (20 percent). This would be time-consuming, potentially divisive and a distraction.

Look for a clear-cut decision to be announced on Sunday.

The other big surprise has been Finance Minister and Ardern’s deputy Grant Robertson ruling himself out of the contest. Many people assumed he was the logical successor, but his decision opens the field wide.

Even including Ardern’s inner circle of David Parker, Chris Hipkins and Megan Woods, the bench is not that deep, and none of the candidates has anything like Ardern’s wattage. The shoes needing filling are on the large side of big.

Australian PM Anthony Albanese said she has “shown the world how to lead with intellect and strength”. https://t.co/Mkg8u82vxL

— Stuff (@NZStuff) January 19, 2023

Mixed news for National
Unsurprisingly, Ardern’s announcement has dominated the news cycle in New Zealand, leaving no room for consideration of another important event this week — the National Party’s first caucus of the year.

One might imagine that on hearing news of Ardern’s resignation there might have been jubilation in some sections of the party. Labour’s polling has been falling for some time now, while support for centre-right parties National and ACT has been climbing.

Ardern is still significantly more popular than National’s leader, Christopher Luxon, and he will likely be quietly pleased he won’t have to face Ardern on the campaign trail. She was good at that stuff; he is still learning.

National will be thinking, too, that some of the support for Labour that is tied to Ardern herself — including the support Labour received in 2020 from people who habitually vote for National — can now be peeled off and brought home.

Wider National heads will counsel caution, however. As the covid years have rolled by, Ardern has become an increasingly polarising figure.

By stepping aside now she gives her party plenty of time to instal a new leadership group that can draw a line under the past three years and focus on the future.

It is far too soon to tell, of course, if the country will buy a new narrative in which Ardern is not the key character. But she is giving Labour every chance of having a decent crack at it.

Leaving on her own terms
Are there broader lessons in all of this for international audiences? Depressingly, perhaps the key one concerns the price paid by elected representatives in these times of polarisation and the normalisation of abuse.

Around the world, women politicians in particular have borne the brunt of the toxicity and there are many who will see in Ardern’s departure a silencing of a woman’s voice.

On the upside, perhaps there are also things to be learned about the exercise of political leadership. Ardern has chosen the time and manner of her leaving — she has not lost the position because of internal ructions or because of an election loss.

Her reputation will be burnished as a result, and if anything it will generate even more political capital for her — although whether or not she chooses to distribute that currency on the international stage remains unclear. But you rather suspect she might at some point.

For now, though, she will be looking forward to walking her child to school and finally being able to marry her long-term partner. After a tumultuous and more-than-testing time in office, that may yet be reward enough.

Dr Richard Shaw is professor of politics, Massey University. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons licence. Read the original article.

By Anusha Bradley, RNZ News investigative reporter

Within hours of New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern’s shock resignation announcement in Napier, a small crowd gathered outside the city’s conference centre.

Unlike the steady stream of shocked Labour MPs still coming to terms with the news, these folks were celebrating.

“Ding dong the witch is gone,” a placard read.

Online, there have been similar sentiments to be found among groups bitterly opposed to Ardern. The Freedom and Rights Coalition even takes credit for Ardern’s departure in a post on Facebook: “We can now celebrate the departure of this leader of division. We did it!”

• READ MORE: Ardern’s resignation as NZ prime minister a game changer for 2023 general election
• Reaction from around the world
• Other Jacinda Ardern reports

The comments on the post are unfit to repeat here.

Entering what would have been her sixth year, Ardern is the longest-serving Labour Prime Minister after Peter Fraser and Helen Clark. But in an emotional speech to her caucus in Napier she revealed she “no longer had enough in the tank” to do the job.

“It’s time,” she said.

“As much as I have taken great joy in this job, I would be giving a disservice to this country and to the Labour Party if I continued, knowing that I just don’t have enough in the tank for another four years.”

Violent abuse
While it wasn’t explicitly stated, it’s hard to imagine the increasingly violent abuse directed at her was not part of the reason.

“It is no surprise to me at all … she could not, not be affected by this,” says Disinformation Project director Kate Hannah.

Ardern probably tops the list for the amount of vitriol endured by any political leader in this country, Hannah believes.

“In the earlier parts of her first term we got sort of commentary about her looks and her lack of perceived experience. The fact that sort of she was, you know, well spoken, and really good at communicating complex issues was kind of a slur against her.”

But in the last two years the misogyny and violence directed towards Ardern has not only increased in volume, but also become more dangerous, says Hannah, who studies online hate speech and disinformation.

“The language and imagery used to talk about the Prime Minister has become more violent, more vulgar, more crude and repetitive.”

According to a recent study, published just before Christmas, which charts the rise of misogynistic language towards female leaders and women in the public sphere, the most prevalent word used to describe the Prime Minister in these circles is “the C word, and the most prevalent visual image is of witchcraft”.

“And this is old data. This is data from the middle of last year. So it’s actually got worse.”

Grim factoid
Another grim factoid from the paper shows the word “Neve” – referring to Ardern’s pre-school daughter — is also on the most prevalent list.

In June, it was revealed the number of threats towards Ardern has almost tripled in the past three years.

Hannah, who herself has been subjected to similar abuse — including death threats — says she presented the paper’s findings to Ardern and a range of MPs late last year.

How did Ardern react?

“As we all do . . . trying to laugh it off and saying the job is more important . . . and you just have to get on with the job,” says Hannah.

But this is no laughing matter, she says. This new virulent brand of misogyny is on the rise and it affects all women.

“The international disinformation, far right, pro-Putin community is incredibly misogynistic.

‘Incredibly abusive’
“It is incredibly abusive and derogatory, and what it does is attempts to reduce a person to their basic self, and in doing so signals to every other person who shares characteristics with that individual who has been targeted that they are equally worthless, equally base, equally loathed.

“So has this purpose of both targeting individually her as a woman, her role as prime minister, and then all women or all people who share some of those characteristics with her,” says Hannah.

Massey University senior lecturer Dr Suze Wilson, who studies leadership and has examined the vitriol aimed at Ardern, says even the coining of “Jacindamania”, referring to her meteoric rise in popularity as leader served as an early warning of what was to come.

“As if somehow people were losing their heads to be excited by the prospect of a potential Prime Minister, who was young and female and articulate, through to the last couple of years where it’s become increasingly violent, the kind of abuse to which she’s been subjected.”

While the pandemic has been a factor, research also shows that generally it is becoming more challenging for women to be taken seriously, says Wilson.

“Particularly if they are younger and particularly if they don’t cleave to a masculine style, which Ardern does not.”

Worryingly, misogynistic sentiment is also on the rise globally. The latest Reykjavik Index for leadership tracks views about whether a man or woman would be more suitable to a certain position.

Backwards trend
“The most recent data came out just before Christmas, and it is showing that in some countries for the first time that there was actually some backwards moving trends,” says Wilson.

“It was showing, alarmingly, that it’s particularly among younger men, and those are the ones that are being exposed to the likes of Jordan Petersons and Andrew Tates of the world who are learning from them a really just disrespectful and antagonistic view towards women.”

Wilson says she first started noticing a shift in sentiment towards Ardern during the first 2020 lockdown. But it didn’t come from the dark corners of the anti-vax movement, but on the mainstream business social networking site LinkedIn.

‘”I started seeing people, you know like business leaders, using words like tyrant and dictator to describe the prime minister, and I was kind of quite disturbed by that.

“The fact that they can make those kinds of statements and think that somehow that would be a credible statement, tells you kind of something about the shifting norms of what’s considered an OK way to talk about our prime minister.”

Dr Wilson believes this must have taken its toll on Ardern.

“It’s hard to believe that it wouldn’t affect you, right? I mean, it would affect anybody . . . Having people talk about wanting to hang her, wanting to harm her child, the persistent rumours about her partner. She’s human, of course it’s going to take quite a toll.”

‘Look in the mirror’
Ardern herself has rarely acknowledged the abuse publicly. Wilson can understand why.

“I can understand why she doesn’t want to highlight it, because it would be, perhaps for those that are engaged in that behaviour, some kind of reinforcement that what they’re doing is having an effect.

“But really, they should just look in the mirror and be deeply ashamed of their conduct.”

Hannah says it’s also worrying the violent rhetoric towards the prime minister is now considered the “new normal”.

“This type of language and abuse is now so normalised that it’s very hard to pull back from. When people have become accustomed to using the C word, as the most commonly used word to describe the prime minister, then, you know, I just don’t know how we come back from that in any kind of quick way.”

For some, the issue was so pervasive it defined the way they viewed the announcement of her resignation. A number of public figures referred to it in posts on Twitter:

#PrimeMinister @jacindaardern resigned today. I am not surprised nor do I blame her. Her treatment, the pile on, in the last few months has been disgraceful and embarrassing. All the bullies, the misogynists, the aggrieved. She deserved so much better. A great leader. Thanks PM! pic.twitter.com/7b1AhjBXrW

— Sam Neill (@TwoPaddocks) January 19, 2023

History will judge Jacinda Ardern as a remarkable leader.

She is genuinely kind and has an incredible intellect, she’s made more of a contribution than she will ever appreciate.

I can’t help but feel like we need to find better ways to support women and mothers in politics.

— Fleur Fitzsimons (@FleurFitzsimons) January 19, 2023

Apart from wartime, no New Zealand Prime Minister has faced the challenges Jacinda Ardern has handled. And certainly none has had to govern through the kind of deranged abuse and threat to which she has been subject in the past two years.

— Russell Brown (@publicaddress) January 19, 2023

No matter what you thought of her politics, the sustained personal attacks and hatred levelled at Jacinda was unlike anything I’d seen- from critiques of her motherhood to hysteria and conspiracy theories to threats of violence.

It’s not safe to be a woman in public light

— Mohamed Hassan (@mohamedwashere) January 19, 2023

And on the streets of Auckland, kilometres away from the dwindling crowd outside Napier’s conference centre, an emotional Tessa Williams from Taupō, perhaps summed up the view of those most disturbed by the vitriol Ardern received.

“She’s put up with a lot of really tough stuff. I mean, I was surprised that she has hung in kind of as long as she did,” Williams said.

“It was pretty rough how she’s been treated. Yeah, I think it’s a good decision. It was so hard for her. She did a really good job.

“It’s sad that people were so mean to her.”

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ. 

New Zealanders will have a new prime minister by February 7 and will go to the polls on October 14, after two-term Labour Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern announced her resignation today to spend more time with her family.

“For me, it’s time,” she said, speaking from the Labour Party’s retreat. “I just don’t have enough in the tank for another four years.”

Ardern said she would stay on until April as a local MP.

Beyond that, I have no plan. No next steps. All I know is that whatever I do, I will try and find ways to keep working for New Zealand and that I am looking forward to spending time with my family again – arguably, they are the ones that have sacrificed the most out of all of us.

Ardern’s resignation will come as a shock to many New Zealanders, and especially to people overseas — given the international reputation she earned as prime minister over the past five years.

• READ MORE: Labour makes it easier to change leaders, but Jacinda Ardern has no reason to go — yet
• Jacinda Ardern’s defining legacy serving New Zealand during a crisis
• Other Jacinda Ardern articles

But this is less of a surprise for close watchers of New Zealand politics. Back in November 2021, I wrote in The Conversation: “Might Jacinda Ardern stand down?”, after Labour changed its rules to make it easier for the party’s leader to be replaced.

A game changing move before the election
Ardern’s rise to power in 2017 was a game changer in New Zealand politics. Now she’s surprised everyone again with today’s decision to stand down, this could be a game changer for the October election.

Ardern is still higher in the preferred PM polls, ahead of National’s Christopher Luxon. So it’s not imperative for Labour to change their leader.

NZ Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern announcing her resignation on 19 January 2023.

But up until this moment, everyone has been picking a likely change in government to a rightwing National/Act coalition later this year.

Now that Labour is starting to trail in the polls, having a refresh of the leadership does not necessarily ruin the party’s chances of winning in October.

The social and economic fallout of the pandemic has been so profound that having a fresh new face could help Labour’s chances.

Former National Prime Minister John Key did a similar thing back in 2016, invoking the same “not enough in the tank” line as Ardern today, when he surprised everyone and stood down, handing over to Bill English.

English and National actually did well in the following year’s election, gaining 44 percent of the vote. It was only because of overall arithmetic that National was unable to form government and that Ardern went on to become prime minister.

With Jacinda Ardern announcing her resignation, who are the frontrunners for Labour leadership? https://t.co/BJgoU2B4qm

— RNZ News (@rnz_news) January 19, 2023

Ardern’s replacement could be known within days
Ardern made herself world famous for her management of the pandemic, and she did an extremely good job as a leader over that period.

But covid-19 also completely derailed her prime ministership, meaning she was stymied in pursuing many of the key social objectives such as child poverty and housing that she would have liked to put more effort into.

I know Ardern personally, and what you see on TV is what you get in real life. She is a genuine person and politician, and you can understand the reasons she has given about wanting more time with her fiancé and daughter.

My sense is that Labour knows who will take over. Front runners to be leader could include Minister of Justice Kiri Allan, who is a rising star and could be the first Māori PM, though she is relatively new to politics. Minister for Education and Leader of the House Chris Hipkins was a high-profile and hard-working MP during COVID, and he and Allan could make a formidable team.

Housing, Energy and Resources Minister Dr Megan Woods is also an experienced and senior member of the party, so could also be in the mix.

Deputy Prime Minister Grant Robertson won’t be contesting the leadership, and Labour caucus has agreed that a vote will happen in three days’ time, on January 22.

A successful candidate will need more than 60 percent of the caucus vote, otherwise the party must go to a primary-style process with the Labour membership, which could be messy, so it will want to avoid that.

Dr Grant Duncan is an associate professor, School of People, Environment and Planning, Massey University. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons licence. Read the original article.

Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern resigns: Politicians and New Zealanders pay tribute https://t.co/16B1y6sDV3

— RNZ News (@rnz_news) January 19, 2023

Former coup leader and ex-prime minister Sitiveni Rabuka was today elected Fiji’s new prime minister, winning 28 votes to Voreqe Bainimarama’s 27.

The secret ballot vote in Parliament ends Bainimarama’s reign as leader of the country after 16 years. Bainimarama has dominated Fiji politics since he staged the 2006 military coup.

Today’s result was met with jubilant celebrations in the capital Suva with similar scenes playing out across the country on social media.

• READ MORE:  ‘Merry Christmas Fiji – free at last’ as Sodelpa confirms joining coalition
• Sodelpa joins Fiji coalition with Rabuka’s Alliance in split vote
• Tight Fiji police security for new Sodelpa party board meeting
• ‘Writing on the wall’ for authoritarian FijiFirst government, says Ratuva
• ‘PM at first sitting’ — Fiji’s former elections chief explains how
• Fijian Aucklanders see promise and hope with Rabuka as likely PM
• ‘Nothing to concede’, says FijiFirst in wake of contested election
• Reports of ‘anomalies’ in Sodelpa vote to go with opposition parties
• New chapter for Fiji — Rabuka to lead coalition
• Other Fiji elections reports

Rabuka, who staged Fiji’s first two military coups in 1987 and previously served from 1992 to 1999 as an elected prime minister, described himself as “humbled” as he left to be sworn in.

Breaking – Sitiveni Rabuka speaks to media first time after being elected Fiji’s new prime minister. He says he feels “humbled” as he makes his way to the President’s office to get sworn in. #FijiPol pic.twitter.com/C6XxeDpUxQ

— Kelvin Anthony (@kelvinfiji) December 24, 2022

Rabuka now heads a three-party coalition government consisting of his People’s Alliance, the National Federation Party led by Professor Biman Prasad and the kingmaking Sodelpa Party, led by Viliame Gavoka.

Gavoka had this to say to reporters following the vote:

‘Democracy has won’
“Democracy has won. We live in a wonderful country.”

The NFP’s Dr Prasad said his party was happy to work with everyone and even the opposition.

Bainimarama appears to have conceded defeat peacefully, and spoke to reporters.

“I want to thank the supporters of FijiFirst,” he said. “We still are the biggest political party in there, so I want to thank them for that.”

“This is democracy, and this is my legacy, the 2013 Constitution,” he said.

Breaking – Frank Bainimarama thanks the FijiFirst supporters and says “this is democracy and this is my legacy. The 2013 Constitution.” #FijiPol pic.twitter.com/irLMTdHIRV

— Kelvin Anthony (@kelvinfiji) December 24, 2022

Bainimarama was asked if he would be opposition leader, and laughed and said, “I hope so.”

Cabinet named soon
Rabuka is expected to announce the members of his cabinet in the coming days.

Where the three Sodelpa MPs end up will be the first indication of what was agreed to in the coalition negotiations.

Tuvalu’s Minister for Foreign Affairs Simon Kofe was one of the first foreign politicians to congratulate Rabuka.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ. 

Congratulations to ’s new Prime Minister Hon. Sitiveni Rambuka. Congratulations also to the new Speaker of the House Ratu Naiqama Lalabalavu and Deputy Speaker Hon Lenora Qereqeretabua @lenoraqfj. Looking forward to working with the new Government.

— Simon Kofe (@Simon_Kofe) December 24, 2022

The Fiji Times reports earlier that the Speaker of Parliament had been appointed.

The nominees were former speaker Ratu Epeli Nailatikau and Tui Cakau Ratu Naiqama Lalabalavu.

After casting of a secret ballot, the result stood at 27 votes for Ratu Epeli and 28 for Ratu Naiqama.

Ratu Naiqama was nominated by NFP’s Professor Prasad who said he was no stranger to Parliament and Fiji’s political landscape.

Ratu Naiqama was first elected into Parliament after the May 1999 general election.

He was escorted to the chair after taking his oath.

Republished with permission.

Tight police security will greet the Sodelpa management board meeting in Suva tomorrow when it will again decide the political party it will form a coalition with to run the Fiji government for the next four years.

The decision came after hours of deliberation today by the Sodelpa working committee — headed by party acting deputy leader Aseri Radrodro — where members discussed the “anomalies” in the previous board meeting held at the Yue Lai Hotel in Suva on Tuesday.

That meeting of the 30-member board decided by a margin of 16-14 to form a coalition with the People’s Alliance party of former prime minister Sitiveni Rabuka and the National Federation Party. This would give the coalition a slender majority of 29 in the 55-seat Parliament.

• READ MORE:  ‘Writing on the wall’ for authoritarian FijiFirst government, says Ratuva
• ‘PM at first sitting’ – Fiji’s former elections chief explains how
• Fijian Aucklanders see promise and hope with Rabuka as likely PM
• ‘Nothing to concede’, says FijiFirst in wake of contested election
• Reports of ‘anomalies’ in Sodelpa vote to go with opposition parties
• New chapter for Fiji – Rabuka to lead coalition
• Other Fiji elections reports

However, some issues were identified by the Registrar of Political Parties, Mohammed Saneem, after that Sodelpa board meeting.

Speaking to news media today, Radrodro said the agenda of the new meeting was to decide which party they would join.

The meeting will be held at the Southern Cross Hotel in Suva at 10am tomorrow.

Sodelpa’s negotiating team will be headed by party vice-president Anare Jale.

Arieta Vakasukawaqa is a Fiji Times journalist. Republished with permission.

Military forces deployed
Meanwhile, RNZ Pacific reports that Fiji’s military forces are being deployed to maintain security and stability in the country following reports of threats made against minority groups.

In a statement yesterday afternoon, Fiji Police Commissioner Sitiveni Qiliho announced the move, calling it a joint decision with the commander of Fiji’s military forces, Major-General Jone Kalouniwai.

As of 3pm Fiji time, RNZ Pacific’s correspondent in Suva, Kelvin Anthony, reported there were no visible signs of increased police or military presence.

Commissioner Qiliho said the decision was based on official reports and intelligence received of planned civil unrest and the targeting of minority groups.

The military deployment comes less than 24 hours after the ruling FijiFirst party made its first public statement since the December 14 election.

Party secretary-general Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum said they respected the outcome of the election, but did not recognise the validity of the opposition coalition and would not concede defeat.

Sayed-Khaiyum said under the country’s constitution, the FijiFirst government remained in place and Voreqe Bainimarama was still the prime minister of Fiji.

He said this could only be changed once the vote for prime minister was held on the floor of Parliament.

Under section 131 (2) of Fiji’s constitution, the military has the “overall responsibility” to ensure the security, defence and wellbeing of Fiji and all Fijians.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ. 

Former Supervisor of Elections Jon Apted says that the coalition formed by the  Social Democratic Liberal Party with the People’s Alliance/National Federation Party should be able to successfully elect a Prime Minister at the first sitting.

He said that with the 2022 General Election over and FFP tied with the PA/NFP coalition at 26 seats each and Sodelpa holding three critical seats, there were a number of steps to be taken in the process of forming the next government.

“Once the Electoral Commission formally conducts the allocation of seats, they will publicly declare the names of the candidates who have been elected,” he said.

• READ MORE:  Fijian Aucklanders see promise and hope with Rabuka as likely PM
• ‘Nothing to concede’, says FijiFirst in wake of contested election
• Reports of ‘anomalies’ in Sodelpa vote to go with opposition parties
• New chapter for Fiji – Rabuka to lead coalition
• Other Fiji elections reports

“They then forward those names to the Secretary-General to Parliament.

“They also endorse those names on the writ of election that was earlier issued to the Commission by the President and return the writ to the President.” Apted said under section 67 of the Constitution, the President must then call Parliament to meet within 14 days.

“This can be any date within the next two weeks.

“Under the Constitution, he needs to act on the advice of the current Prime Minister. The President has no power to act in his own judgment.”

Swearing in new members
Apted said under the Constitution where no party had won an outright majority of seats, the sitting PM and Cabinet remained in office until the first meeting of Parliament.

“At that first meeting, the SG must first swear in the new members who then elect the Speaker.

“The Speaker comes from outside Parliament. A candidate or candidates would be nominated by the members of the parties in Parliament. The Speaker must be elected by a simple majority of votes. Assuming that everyone turns up and is sworn in, that means that the new Speaker must have the support of at least 28 new MPs.”

Apted said once the Speaker was sworn in, he or she would preside over the selection in Parliament for who is to be the PM under section 93 of the Constitution.

“The Speaker first calls for nominations. If only one person is nominated and seconded, that person automatically becomes the PM. However, if there is more than one nominee, a vote must be taken.

“If a nominee gets more than 50 per cent of all the members of Parliament, then they will be PM. If no one gets more than 50 per cent, then a second vote must be held within 24 hours.

“The assumption is that lobbying will go on during this period.

“If after the second vote, someone has more than 50 per cent, he or she will be PM. If not, there has to be a third vote within 24 hours.”

Apted said if no one gets more than 50 per cent in the third vote, then the Speaker has to notify the President that Parliament is unable to elect a PM, and the President must within 24 hours dissolve Parliament and issue a new writ of election for a fresh election.

However, in reality with Sodelpa agreeing to form a coalition with the PAP/NFP coalition, that coalition should be able to successfully elect a PM at the first sitting, Apted said.

Felix Chaudhary is a Fiji Times journalist. Republished with permission.

The ruling FijiFirst party is refusing to concede the 2022 general election, saying it can only be called after the election of the prime minister on the floor of Parliament.

Its general secretary Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum said that under the Fiji constitution the government was still in place and Voreqe Bainimarama remained the prime minister.

Sayed-Khaiyum — who is also caretaker Attorney-General — told local media the prime minister’s role and the power of the government would not change until the election of a new prime minister was held on the floor of Parliament.

• READ MORE:  Reports of ‘anomalies’ in Sodelpa vote to go with opposition parties
• New chapter for Fiji – Rabuka to lead coalition
• Other Fiji elections reports

Sayed-Khaiyum also questioned the validity of the newly announced opposition coalition between the People’s Alliance, National Federation Party and Sodelpa.

He said concerns raised by the resigned Sodelpa general secretary, Lenaitasi Duru claiming “anomalies” in the voting process, had to be considered.

Sayed-Khaiyum said he looked forward to resubmitting FijiFirst’s coalition proposal to the management board of the party should it see fit to sit again.

But he said the final say on who would become the next prime minister of Fiji would only be determined on the floor of Parliament.

Fiji’s president must call Parliament within 14 days of the writ of elections being returned, which took place in a ceremony on Monday at Government House.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ. 

Internal disagreements have resurfaced within Sodelpa, Fiji’s kingmaking party, less than 24 hours after it announced it was forming a coalition government with the People’s Alliance and the National Federation Party.https://t.co/YzVPPsRwEb

— RNZ Pacific (@RNZPacific) December 21, 2022

Talks among Vanuatu political parties have started for the formation of a coalition government following Thursday’s snap election.

The talks have started as it appears that none of the political parties which contested the ballot won a simple majority in the 52-seat Parliament.

Sources from former government, and former opposition members have revealed that leaders of political parties who have won seats in Parliament following unofficial results have begun negotiations for the formation of a new government.

• READ MORE: Vanuatu snap election: International observers arrive for key vote
• Other Vanuatu election reports

They said that so far both sides wanted to form a new government, but it would depend very much on the numbers that they have secured.

Ballot boxes from isolated areas in Vanuatu had not yet reached the main centres to be shipped to the capital, Port Vila.

A helicopter was yesterday still collecting the ballot boxes from isolated areas in the constituency of Santo.

According to political analysts, the lobby for the formation of a new government would not be easy because — according to the unofficial results — four former prime ministers had managed to be re-elected as members of Parliament.

They said that all four would want to be prime minister again.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

The go-to defence of pretty much everyone who is entangled in the scandal of former Australian prime minister Scott Morrison’s self-appointment to five ministerial portfolios other than his own is that no laws were broken.

But this alleged legality — which remains unclear — is barely relevant to any judgement that might be offered on the affair.

Australia’s system of government would cease to function without its actors being willing to observe conventions that do not have the status of law. It is no defence of one’s behaviour to say that no law was broken as a result of it.

• READ MORE: View from The Hill: The Liberals would be better off with Morrison out of Parliament
• Parliament must act to ensure Australia never has ‘secret ministers’ again

Australia has a written constitution, but any casual reader of its text would gain little idea of how the political system actually works. Ministers hold office “during the pleasure of the Governor-General”.

The document does not mention the office of prime minister. It does not speak of a cabinet.

The lifeblood of the system is convention and practice. They are not to be found in the ink of the Constitution. Many of these conventions and practices were inherited, and then adapted, from Britain.

In Australia, following developments in Canada in the late 1830s and 1840s, this agreed practice was sometimes called “responsible government”.

‘Westminister system’
“Responsible government” was a colonial adaptation of a model that was also evolving in Britain. That is why we use the term “Westminster system” as a catch-all for Australia’s system of parliamentary government.

The most famous and influential account of the Westminster system appears in Walter Bagehot’s The English Constitution (1867). Its central feature, he said, distinguishing it from the more drastic separation of powers and antagonism between branches of government characteristic of the presidential system of the United States, was “the close union, the nearly complete fusion, of the executive and legislative powers”.

The lower house of a Parliament, ostensibly elected to make laws, would in practice find “its principal business in making and in keeping an executive” that “should be chosen by the legislature out of persons agreeable to and trusted by the legislature”.

Under Westminster convention, a cabinet required the confidence of the popularly elected chamber which, in turn, was the mechanism for the government’s accountability to the nation.

Morrison did not apparently see that in secretly having himself sworn into a range of portfolios, he was misleading Parliament and preventing the accountability that Bagehot saw as the essence of the system.

Instead, in seeking to justify his behaviour, he used a phrase that US President Harry S. Truman had as a sign on his desk: “The buck stops here”.

In this vein, during his press conference yesterday, Morrison referred multiple times to the popular expectations of him. He was responsible for “every drop of rain”. Morrison seems to imagine the public believed government started and ended with him.

No apology to Parliament
Morrison has since apologised to cabinet colleagues for not having told them he signed up to their portfolios in secret. But it is telling that he has not apologised to the Parliament for misleading it, nor to the Australian people for misleading them.

There was a time, not all that long ago, when phrases such as “individual ministerial responsibility” and “collective ministerial responsibility” were meaningful. The first was the principle that ministers were responsible to Parliament and therefore to the people for what went on in their portfolios.

They could not pass the buck to advisers or public servants, even if an error or misdeed had occurred in those quarters.

Collective ministerial responsibility referred to cabinet’s responsibility as a body for its own decisions. If a minister felt so strongly opposed to a decision agreed by cabinet that they could not publicly support it, the solution was clear. They would need to resign.

These were textbook concepts in high school Australian politics classes. It was widely understood that they were ideals and theories, that they would be applied differently according to context.

But they were understood as Westminster conventions with genuine force and importance, even if an abrogation of convention did not carry the same consequence as a breach of law.

In contrast, we now seem to have a system in which it is considered a legitimate defence of one’s highly unconventional behaviour to say that no law was broken. But this is not a legitimate defence in a system of parliamentary government that rests substantially on convention.

People who claim that Morrison’s multiple portfolios were not illegal miss the point.

As @fbongiornoanu (@ANUmedia) + @EmilyMillane (@MelbLawSchool) write, the conventions in the Westminster system can’t be set aside without serious effects. #auspol https://t.co/QaLbSw9AOG

— The Conversation (@ConversationEDU) August 18, 2022

Menace to democracy
It is rather a serious menace to democracy.

The electorate’s concerns with institutional integrity were manifested in this year’s federal election result. But Morrison’s highly secretive, underhanded accumulation of power would likely not be the fodder of a federal anti-corruption commission.

This is all the more reason to be concerned at his “nothing to see here” attitude.

When the agreed way in which our politics is conducted is eroded, what happens then? Conventions are enforced by their usage. As the parliamentary practice guide notes, “conventions are subject to change by way of (political) interpretation or (political) circumstances and may in some instances be broken”.

But they cannot simply be set aside without serious and detrimental effects on the way we are governed.

Dr Frank Bongiorno is professor of history, ANU College of Arts and Social Sciences, Australian National University and Dr Emily Millane is a senior fellow, Melbourne Law School, The University of Melbourne. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons licence. Read the original article.

In a historic first, the Papua New Guinea Parliament has installed Pangu Pati leader and Tari-Pori MP James Marape by a unanimous majority as the country’s ninth Prime Minister.

Immediately, in his address to the House and streamed live to the nation, Marape stuck to his belief in the mantra “Take Back PNG” and his vision to make every Papua New Guinean rich in the “richest black Christian nation on earth”.

While Marape was making his rambling victory speech to the nation, a rousing message filtered through that a second woman had successfully been elected to Parliament.

• READ MORE: Marape has the numbers and keeps PNG’s top post as prime minister
• Other PNG election reports

Kessy Sawang was declared winner of the Rai Coast seat and she joins Central Governor Rufina Peter in Parliament.

Marape was elected unopposed by 97 MPs in the House which included eight opposition MPs, becoming the first Prime Minister to be voted in unopposed since 1975 — the year of independence.

Only his sworn adversary and former PM Peter O’Neill abstained from voting by walking out of the chamber before the vote was taken.

O’Neill later said it was a matter of “conscience” that forced him to walk out the chamber.

Elevated to top job
The first time Marape became Prime Minister was on May 30, 2019, when, through a serious of twists and turns — including instigating a vote of no confidence which forced O’Neill to resign as PM — Marape was elevated to the top post by a parliamentary majority of 10-8, another historic moment in PNG’s oft-times fractured Parliament.

The nine MPs of O’Neill’s People’s National Congress (PNC) party who voted for Marape were: Pomio MP Elias Kapavore, Milne Bay Governor Gordon Wesley, Alotau MP Ricky Morris, Aitape Lumi MP Anderson Mise, Ambunti Drekikir MP Johnson Wapunai, Central Governor Rufina Peter, Ijivitari MP David Arore, Kiriwina-Goodenough Douglas Tomuriesa and Kandrian Gloucester MP Joseph Lelang.

After a slight mix up of the standing orders on the person nominating a PM, East Sepik Governor Allan Bird’s nomination was superseded by Manus Governor Charlie Benjamin and seconded by Western Governor Toboi Yoto.

PNC party leader Peter O’Neill walked out of the chamber as Speaker Job Pomat read out the notice and calling for nominations for Prime Minister.

Marape said that his election was for the people and that “whatever happened yesterday, Pangu would always put the country’s interest first”.

“I seek to anchor my statement on the remarks [made on 30 May 2019]. I wanted Papua New Guinea in the next decade to be a K200 billion (NZ$90 billion) economy.

“I wanted Papua New Guinea to be the Richest Black Christian Nation on Earth. My statement recognised that our political forebears have ushered in political independence in 1975,” he said.

‘Crafted legislation’
“They crafted legislation, built institutions, wrote policies and established relationships to deliver us political independence.”

But Marape’s speech failed to hit home with ordinary Papua New Guineans, leaving the population pondering what to expect in the country reeling from high unemployment, huge law and order issues and rising prices of basic store goods.

As Pangu and its coalition hunker down to prepare their 100-day plan, Papua New Guineans are taking to social media to raise simple questions like “when will our children return safely back to school?”, “a bag of five kilograms of rice is now K20? (NZ$9)”, and “when will the minimum wage of K3.50 (NZ$1.60 an hour) be raised to correspond with the costs of living which has spiked as a result of inflation?”.

Some are venting their anger at the lack of medicines in the biggest referral hospitals in the country — including Port Moresby General Hospital, where patients have to fork out their own money to buy panadol.

Marape continued: “This generation of leaders must deliver economic independence to Papua New Guinea.

“That Pangu has secured the mandate from Papua New Guinea can only mean that our people in the length and breadth of this country support this intention.

“It is my humble privilege to address this house as the Prime Minister. In 2019, I secured the mandate to be Prime Minister on the floor of Parliament.

I cast an eye over #PNG‘s new government. Two women MPs in a 118 seat parliament do not a revolution make. And James Marape elected with no opposition does not reform bring https://t.co/yFC5BspMGN

— Keith Jackson AM FRSA FAIM (@PNGAttitude) August 10, 2022

‘Three very hard years’
“I served for three very hard years with the support of a lot of you.

“Today, I have secured the mandate from the people of Papua New Guinea.

“They have empowered, emboldened, and mandated me and the party to lead to be in government.

“I am privileged to lead a coalition of likeminded leaders to be your government.

“The 2022 national general election brings our country to the cusp of 50 years of nationhood.

“hree years before we turn 50 years old as a nation, Pangu gets a further opportunity to deal with some fundamental issues confronting our country.

‘Fair, healthy, happy society’
“The onus and responsibility now rest on each member of Parliament to rise up to the occasion and renew our commitment to pass on a better Papua New Guinea to the next generation.

“We are consistent with the Vision 2050 on the development phases of our country to be smart, wise, fair, healthy, and a happy society by 2050.

“It aligns nicely in that we are called to deliver economic enablers to fast-track development.

“Fastrack we must, as we do not have the luxury of time to wait around for things to happen at their pace.”

Gorethy Kenneth is a senior journalist with the PNG Post-Courier. Republished with permission.

Papua New Guinea’s incumbent leader, James Marape, has been returned to the top job as the country’s ninth prime minister, reports the ABC’s Port Moresby correspondent Natalie Whiting.

“Marape was voted in as prime minister unopposed, with unanimous support from all MPs present in the first parliamentary sitting following the country’s controversial, and at times violent, national election,” she reported today.

Both the NBC state broadcaster and the independent news website Inside PNG reported live streams of today’s election and the swearing in.

• READ MORE: Hope for women in PNG elections – Peter becomes lone female governor
• Other PNG elections reports

Pangu Pati’s Marape is expected to be leading at least 17 parties in a coalition government.

The Prime Minister ousted his predecessor Peter O’Neill after a controversial walkout in Parliament three years ago, and has survived attempts to unseat him.

The PNG Post-Courier’s Miriam Zarriga reported today that Pangu, the party that had led PNG to independence in 1975, had been formally invited to form government in Parliament.

The invitation by the Governor-General, Sir Bob Dadae, as prescribed in the Constitution, was issued at 10.20am yesterday.

Pangu Pati invited
Sir Bob said in his address: “I have been advised to invite Pangu Pati to form the next government.

“It is an honour to formally announce this message.

“By virtuous [sic] of the powers conveyed by Section 63 of the Organic Law on the Integrity of Political Parties and Candidates of Papua New Guinea and all other powers, acting in and in accordance with the advice of the Electoral Commissioner, hereby invite Pangu Party incorporated which has endorsed the greatest number of candidates elected in the 2022 National Elections to form the Government.”

As the formal invitation had been handed over to Pangu, the next step was to ensure that the party had the numbers in the 111-seat Parliament — with counting still going on in 13 seats — and the nominee for prime minister was ready today.

James Marape returned as PNG’s prime minister after tense election https://t.co/9blE8Y9xVo

— ABC News (@abcnews) August 9, 2022

The Pangu-led coalition last week announced James Marape as their nominee with 15 parties signing an MOU to work with Pangu to form government.

Many commentators have described the election as the “worst in living memory” — and the most violent.

Two women have been elected to Parliament for the first time in a decade, Central province Governor Rufina Peter and Rai Coast MP Kessy Sawang.

People’s National Congress party leader Peter O’Neill has blown the race for the Papua New Guinea prime minister’s job wide open by declaring he will not run for the country’s top post.

As the national election winds down and lobbying intensifies among Pangu Pati, People’s National Congress (PNC), United Resources Party (URP), People’s Progress Party (PPP) and the National Alliance (NA), the one-time prime minister O’Neill said his party would support an alternative prime minister candidate.

The bombshell from O’Neill is likely to shake up the Pangu camp on Loloata Island which contains several aspiring PM-minded politicians.

• READ MORE: Other PNG elections reports

O’Neill also appealed to the elected leaders to choose a prime minister who could heal the nation from the chaos that has plunged the country into election-related violence.

He wants to focus on Ialibu-Pangia and Southern Highlands and wants to give an opportunity to those who have been elected the right way to put their hands up.

“You will have my 100 percent support and I ask nothing special in return,” the former PM said yesterday.

O’Neill had gone to the election, vying to form government but the dismal performance of his PNC party may have forced his change of heart for the top job.

Not just about O’Neill or Marape
He said that the position of prime minister should not just be about O’Neill or Marape.

“Let me make it clear. I do not believe that I have a right to be the only alternative to Marape for the prime minister position.

“It was my greatest privilege to lead Papua New Guinea, but I recognise that we need to heal and move forward, and that the restoration may move faster when leaders listen to the will of the people,” he said.

“I encourage leaders who have been elected properly and who are genuinely interested in rescuing PNG from the economic and social chaos Marape has plunged the country into over the past three years, to consider putting their hand up for the top job.

“The role of prime minister should be filled by a person who has firstly been elected with integrity — who has been mandated by the people honestly.

“It is a critical junction for our young nation, and we urgently need a Papua New Guinean who has a vision for our country and who can pull the nation together and lead us forward.

He said there was a very worrying “fake government” which had fostered deep hatred under the Marape leadership that was tearing at the cohesion that had kept the country peaceful.

‘No celebrations’
“There are no celebrations around the country despite the apparently overwhelming election of Pangu candidates,” he said.

“Very strange, no one at all seems proud of their apparent chosen leaders, rather people are scared with no one to turn to with all avenues for justice closed off to the regular person.

“The national general election has magnified the level of violence, hatred, and unfairness in society and it is time for a leader to step forward who can bring peace and execute on clear policies.

“I am prepared to support alternative prime minister candidates as I and my party are prepared to do whatever it takes to rescue PNG,” he declared in Port Moresby.

“I can assure those who may contemplate being the next prime minister, that the propaganda coming from the locked and guarded at Kalabus Pangu (Loloata Resort) is not true.

“Leaders are worried the economy is in tatters. They are asking why our economy is performing so badly that the IMF has announced that they are opening a dedicated office in Port Moresby to monitor more closely the Treasury functions.”

O’Neill said the closure of the Porgera mine and the failure to move ahead in three years with any new major investments such as Wafi Golpu, along with massive borrowings and wastage had “shredded our financial position”.

He said genuine leaders did not want another five years like the last three.

“Our children are growing up thinking this violent society is normal,” he said.

“We now seem to be in freefall economically and socially and need to use this moment in time to reset ourselves and move forward with new leadership.”

Gorethy Kenneth is a PNG Post-Courier journalist. Republished with permission.

The ruling Pangu Pati has drawn first blood in the Papua New Guinea national general elections with its leader and deputy leader retaining their seats on first count alone.

Of the five seats declared as of yesterday, Pangu has a head start with four MPs, James Marape (Tari-Pori); John Rosso (Lae), Philip Undialu (Hela Regional), Manasseh Makiba (Magarima) and the lone People’s National Congress (PNC) winner to date Elias Kapavore (Pomio).

While it is early days in an election marred by violence and alleged fraud, Pangu’s early gain, is a tiny foothold in a process that is expected to be completed by the return of writs on July 29.

• READ MORE: Other PNG general election reports

At the time of going to press, three more declarations were expected last night or early today.

Marape remains caretaker Prime Minister with his deputy John Rosso also as caretaker deputy PM.

Marape picked up 40,913 votes to retain his seat by a landslide in the first count.

This was 12,000 more votes than the number he picked up in 2017.

Undialu wins big
Undialu picked up a staggering 118,131 votes to come home, which was 79,910 votes more than the number he scored in 2017 elections.

Meanwhile, in Lae, Morobe Province, incumbent John Rosso scored a convicing 26,818 of the primary votes to emerge winner from the total allowable ballots of 57,144.

“Lae Open seat deserves a transparent leader and its needs good precise leadership,” Rosso said soon after his declaration by the returning officer.

“For my people of Lae to give me the mandate on absolute majority of 26,818 on first count is humbling.

“I am going to perform to the best of my ability as the Lae MP and a national leader.”

In Hela Province, Manasseh Makiba picked up 10,481 votes to run out winner, beating the mark he set in 2017 national election by 2500 more votes, while Pomio MP Elias Kapavore was declared winner by Returning Officer John Liskia at Palmalmal.

Pomio had a total allowable 23,355 ballots and Kapavore was re-elected with an absolute majority vote of 11,949 votes from the primary count.

Three other electorates
Meanwhile, three other electorates expected to be declared last night or early today were the New Ireland Regional, Namatanai and Kavieng Open seats.

People’s Progress Party leader Sir Julius Chan had taken a comfortable lead with 25,101 votes.

Treasurer and Pangu Party candidate Ian Ling-Stuckey was leading with 6898 votes and National Alliance candidate and Civil Aviation Minister Walter Schnaubelt was expected to retain his Kavieng Open seat.

Counting in the rest of the provinces are continuing and the Post-Courier online news is bringing the latest updates for readers across the country.

Counting for National Capital District, Jiwaka, Western Highlands and Chimbu has not started.

Western Highlands, Jiwaka went to the polls on Friday while Chimbu polled yesterday.

Peter Korugl is a PNG Post-Courier journalist. Republished with permission.

Former prime minister and New Ireland Governor Sir Julius Chan is defending his seat one last time in Papua New Guinea’s 2022 general elections next month because he believes the system of government has failed the country.

Had the system not “failed miserably”, the iconic New Irelander said he could have called time “a long time ago” — but a lot of things, systems, mechanisms and people had misfired and failed along the way, prompting his last shot at a last term.

At 83, Sir Julius said this would be the last roll of the dice in his long and illustrious political career in which he was twice prime minister of PNG.

• READ MORE: Other reports on the PNG elections

Showing no signs of fragilities, he was opening a new LLG office in the gold-rich Lihir Islands and campaigning on his resource policy in the neighbouring Anir (Feni) Islands, south of Lihir last week.

An advocate of power sharing, Sir Julius wants to see New Ireland emerge as an autonomous province of PNG before he retires.

Autonomy is the rallying call for his reluctance to step down. He reckons mainland PNG will remain immune to autonomous political squabbling but in the islands, it will be as easy as “cutting the rope and floating away”.

It is the Sunday after the PNG Kumuls’ epic rugby league Test win over Fiji.

Humorous insight
We are sitting in the antiquated living room of Sir Julius’ Port Moresby apartment.

He is a little wry, perhaps taxed by the boat travels in his sparsely isolated home islands, from the past week.

Not one to shy away from life’s challenges, he even offers a humorous insight into what his political adversaries have dished out in the last couple of months.

“You know, my opponents have declared me dead four times on Facebook, and every time, I’ve risen from the dead,” he chuckles.

In a one-on-one exclusive, the knight spoke his mind: “I am not coming back just to play the game, nogat, I am here to score more, otherwise I am just wasting my time. If I don’t get anywhere, I make up my decision in between.”

Sir Julius said the people must have greater power sharing nationally, on a provincial and local level.

“Sadly yes, the system of government has failed the people, we must have greater sharing of power, national, provincial and local, greater sharing if not practically practised I think this country will disintegrate,” he said.

‘It happened in Russia’
“I mean we got enough to look at some of the more advanced countries in the world, how it got disintegrated. It happened in Russia, it used to be a big, big, big country, they are now fighting one another.

“Because of the regional population I think if we don’t change the system and give the other areas of PNG a chance to lead, that too will cause friction as it is at the moment. You increase the electorate… every time you increase one electorate in the New Guinea Islands region.

“I think you have to increase 10 in other parts of the country so hap blo mi yia, forever and ever. It will go smaller in percentage terms and being human that doesn’t go down too well; everybody wants to participate therefore we have to come up with a system somewhat to adapt [to] that.

“And when people have that power, they make decisions and when something goes wrong, they cannot throw blame at the government.

“As it is at the moment, every good is enjoyed at the local government but everything bad is the cause of the national government. And if you allow that to go on for a few years, it will deteriorate this country completely.

“I [have] got to share this with everybody — the mainland will never break, it’s not easy and it’s just like Israel and all the other countries that [are] next to it. The other countries, you know whenever there is a land problem, they will forever for thousands of years from the days, they will never be able to solve the disputes of the land border.

“But in the islands, you just cut the rope and we float — we are different. So there it is, that’s my summary and I am not coming back just to play the game, nogat, I am here to score more, otherwise I am just wasting my time. If I don’t get anywhere, I make up my decision in between.”

Gorethy Kenneth is a senior PNG Post-Courier journalist. Republished with permission.

Three major parties have emerged as frontrunners to form the next government in Papua New Guinea with their party leaders eager to be next Prime Minister.

These are current coalition leader PANGU, headed by incumbent Prime Minister James Marape, opposition leader Belden Namah’s PNG Party and the People’s National Congress led by former prime minister Peter O’Neill.

These leaders and the parties have invested heavily in their campaign and candidates for next month’s general election. They are using strategic campaigning including social media outreach to network with supporters in the rural areas.

• READ MORE: Other PNG elections reports

It is always a numbers game.

The party that wins the most seats gets the invite to form the next government with its leader the most likely Prime Minister.

But politics in PNG is fluid and smaller parties with critical numbers often hold sway over formations of government.

Eleventh hour horse trading in the past has always featured prominently with the formations of government and smaller parties would also be riding shotgun with the bigger parties.

Three-way race
If anything, this is a three-way horse race with each party trying by any means on the campaign track to derail the other, even to the extent of attacking opponents, setting fire to their posters, and burning their properties.

All three leaders have been hot around the country, shopping their candidates to the voters, selling policies and even discrediting other parties, bringing in tension along the way.

PANGU’s James Marape is confident of returning to form government in the next Parliament and says he will step down if otherwise.

“I am taking the government formation to Wewak and taking all members who win and we will form the government there,” declared Marape.

Pangu is banking on 75 candidates for this election and Marape has travelled over four provinces to support their candidates.

Vocal opposition leader Belden Namah has also openly put up his hands to become Prime Minister after 15 years on the other bench.

“I am serious in the business to be Prime Minister of PNG after this election,” said Namah, who is leader of the PNG Party, which has endorsed a total of 50 candidates.

Ready to lead
Namah added he had never raised his hands for the role in respect of late Sir Michael Somare but now he was ready to lead the country forward.

Another strong contender is former Prime Minister Peter O’Neill, leader of the People’s National Congress party, who has fielded 95 candidates contesting various seats across the country.

O’Neill has made it clear that the PNC party is ready to return to power.

He reportedly said that he and the PNC party was poised to return to government and “rescue” the country.

He said: “The new government needs to work harder… with a clear mandate to a political party with policies to deliver to the people and the country.

“To date, only PNC party has put [out] our policies, which are aimed at delivering basic services to our people and improving living standards.”

Other credible leaders
But while all eyes are on Marape, Namah and O’Neill, there are other credible leaders who just may be the new Prime Minister after the elections are over.

National Alliance Party leader Patrick Pruaitch, currently deputy PM, may have a chance, having been part of the two most recent coalition governments. For this election NA has endorsed a 59 candidates.

Other leaders like Powes Parkop, William Duma and Don Polye are also in running for the role having expressed their intentions.

While all these leaders vie for this top post, the one that comes through with the most numbers will be invited by the Governor-General to form the government.

The Papua New Guinea general election is on July 2-22.

Republished with permission.

Her daughter Neve tested positive on Wednesday, she added in the post. Her partner Clarke Gayford tested positive on Sunday.

“Despite best efforts, unfortunately I’ve joined the rest of my family and tested positive for covid-19,” Ardern wrote on social media.

• READ MORE: Covid-19 update: 29 deaths, 7441 new cases in New Zealand

Reports of her covid status follow a statement yesterday by Director-General of Health Dr Ashley Bloomfield that thousands of new cases of covid-19 were being reported every day in New Zealand, but this was likely to be half of the number of actual cases.

With a further 29 deaths with covid-19 and 7441 new cases yesterday, Dr Bloomfield said the impact of the severity of omicron was still visible.

Prime Minister Ardern has been symptomatic since Friday night, according to a statement, and has “moderate” symptoms. She returned a weak positive Friday night and a clear positive this morning on a RAT test.

Ardern will be required to isolate until the morning of Saturday May 21.

Missing the Budget
Ardern, who has been isolating since Gayford tested positive, will now have to miss the Budget announcement on Thursday and the release of the government’s Emissions Reduction Plan on Monday.

“There are so many important things happening for the government this week,” she wrote.

“I’m gutted to miss being there in person, but will be staying in close touch with the team and sharing some reckons from here.

“To anyone else out there isolating or dealing with covid, I hope you take good care of yourselves!”

Ardern’s upcoming travel to the United States, scheduled for late May, will go ahead as planned at this stage. She is scheduled to give the commencement speech at Harvard University on May 26.

Former Labour Party president Mike Williams hopes she will be well enough to travel.

“After two years of isolation, internationally she’s a rock star attraction, and it does the country a hell of a lot of good to get her out and about.”

Williams said Ardern, 41, was young and fit, so should be fine.

Deputy Prime Minister Grant Robertson will take the post-cabinet press conference on Monday.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Central to the selection of the prime minister in Papua New Guinea following a general election is Section 63 of PNG’s Organic Law on Integrity of Political Parties and Candidates (OLIPPAC), which was passed in 2001 (and then amended in 2003).

Section 63 requires that the Governor-General invites the party with the highest number of MPs following a general election to form the government.

The main aim of the section is to ensure that the appointment of a prime minister after a general election is done in an “orderly way with direct relationship to the way voters expressed their wishes”.

• READ MORE: Other PNG elections reports

Analysis shows that the passage of OLIPPAC has influenced government formation. First, it has increased the probability that, as is now a legislative requirement, the PM comes from the largest party.

This has happened in all elections since OLIPPAC was legislated (2002, 2007, 2012 and 2017), but only happened in two out of the five pre-OLIPPAC elections (1977 and 1982).

For example, as Table 1 shows, in 1997 the People’s National Congress Party (PNC) had the sixth highest number of MPs but still was able to put forward the successful candidate for PM.

Second, Section 63 also seems to have increased the odds of an incumbent PM being returned. Since the first post-independence election in 1977, five incumbent prime ministers have been re-appointed as PM following one of the country’s nine national elections (see Table 2).

Two developments closely related
The other four times a new prime minister was appointed post-elections. The five times the incumbent was returned are 1977 (Somare), 1987 (Wingti), 2007 (Somare), 2012 (O’Neill) and 2017 (O’Neill). Only two of the five incumbent returns are before the first enactment of OLIPPAC in 2001, and the other three are all post-OLIPPAC.

These two developments are closely related. Over the life of the Parliament, MPs tend to join the party of the PM, meaning that that party goes into the election with by far the largest number of MPs. For instance, PNC won 27 seats in 2012, led by the incumbent PM Peter O’Neill, and formed the government.

More MPs joined PNC, and by the time the 2017 elections came around, PNC had 55 MPs. Even though PNC lost 34 sitting MPs, with only 21 getting re-elected, it added seven new MPs in the 2017 elections.

This took PNC’s numbers to 28 MPs, and, after the 2017 elections, it wound up forming the government.

About half the incumbent MPs don’t get re-elected every election, but in general voters do not vote along party lines. Even if they do, and even if there is a swing against the PM’s party, because it has such an advantage going in, it is likely to emerge as the largest party as well.

In 2010, the Supreme Court ruled the restrictions imposed by OLIPPAC on the movement of MPs between parties unconstitutional. This means that MPs can move parties in the period between when they are declared winners following the national election and the appointment of the PM.

What happened in 1987, 1992 and 1997 — when parties with fewer MPs formed the government — could be repeated, Section 63 notwithstanding. All MPs would need to do is submit their letter of resignation to the party that endorsed them for the election, together with a letter of acceptance from the new party they intend to join, to the Registry of Political Parties and Candidates before the election of the PM, and their movement to the new party would become official.

Little incentive to leave
However, we have not seen that happening. This is because there is little incentive for MPs in the largest party to leave if it is likely to become the party of government. Rather, other MPs will join, by joining either the largest party or the governing coalition.

The only incumbent PM not to benefit from the passage of OLIPPAC was, ironically, its architect, Sir Mekere Morauta. He did not go into the election with the largest party, and he certainly did not emerge from it with the largest either.

This should remind us that there is no guarantee that the incumbent PM will be returned post-election. But it does seem that Section 63 has had the unintended consequence of increasing the probability of this happening.

Most view stability as a good thing, but the problem is that the more likely the incumbent is to be returned at the general election, the more pressure there will be to remove him (or perhaps one day her) by a vote of no confidence – since that becomes the only way to do it.

It may be no coincidence that both PMs who have so far benefited from Section 63 (Somare in 2002 and 2007 and O’Neill in 2012 and 2017) lost power mid-term on the floor of Parliament.

Note that the provisions of Section 63 of OLIPPAC do not apply to a vote of no confidence. In a vote of no confidence, any political party (or MP) is eligible to nominate a candidate to contest for the prime minister’s seat. Even an MP without a political party is eligible to be nominated for the PM’s post.

Section 63 was passed with good intentions, but has led to a situation in which increasing stability either side of elections may be reducing it between elections.

Michael Kabuni is a lecturer in political science at the School of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Papua New Guinea. Dr Stephen Howes is the Director of the Development Policy Centre and a Professor of Economics at the Crawford School. This research was undertaken with the support of the ANU-UPNG Partnership, an initiative of the PNG-Australia Partnership, funded by the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. The views are those of the authors only.

New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern is self-isolating after being deemed a close contact of a positive covid case.

She was on the same flight — NZ8273 from Kerikeri to Auckland — as an infected person last Saturday.

Governor-General Dame Cindy Kiro was also on the flight and is isolating.

• READ MORE: Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern tests negative for covid-19
• Covid-19 update: 97 new community cases, total number of omicron cases rises to 116
• Other NZ covid outbreak reports

Both were in Northland undertaking advance filming at the Waitangi Treaty Grounds for the Waitangi Day broadcast.

The Prime Minister is asymptomatic and is feeling well, her office said.

In line with Ministry of Health advice she will be tested immediately today and will isolate until Tuesday, a press statement said.

She is fully vaccinated and received a booster shot on January 17.

The flight was added to the Ministry of Health website as a location of interest this evening.

All passengers deemed close contacts
All other passengers on board are also deemed close contacts and are required to self-isolate.

Genomic sequencing results are expected tomorrow and will indicate if the infected passenger was infected with omicron or another covid variant.

The prime minister went into self-isolation as 97 new community cases were reported today, with 11 new Omicron cases identified in the community.

The new community cases were in Northland (1), Auckland (61), Waikato (14), Tairawhiti (3), Bay of Plenty (8), Rotorua (7) and Hawke’s Bay (3).

There are now seven people in hospital with Covid-19 — none are in intensive care.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.