As I was having breakfast in my Christchurch suburban dining room on Monday morning, I heard a loud but indeterminate noise.

I actually thought it was a quake, but as there was no shaking, I assumed it came from the noisy construction site two doors away. So, I ignored it and carried on reading the newspaper over breakfast.

I then had a sense that somebody was nearby. Upon looking up I was surprised (to put it very mildly) to see two cops, with rifles at the ready, peering through the windows on the back door.

• READ MORE: Other Murray Horton articles at APR

I thought: “This is exciting. Why spend good money to see Muru [a new movie based on the 2007 Tūhoe police raids] when you can get it delivered to your doorstep, free of charge” (but these cops didn’t have the ninja uniforms as seen in the movie).

I opened the door. Two cops with rifles rapidly became four cops with rifles facing me (the next door neighbour later told me he saw three cop cars in the street). It’s worth noting that although they all had a gun, none of them was wearing a mask.

“Can I help you?,” I asked. The one in charge said they were looking for Mr So and So. I replied that I’d never heard of him and they had the wrong address.

But wait, there’s more. The cop then said: “Mr So and So is a gang member. He was bailed to this address, he is under curfew at this address, and now he’s wanted.”

Don’t know any gang members
I reiterated that I’d never heard of this fellow, let alone provided him with a bail address (I don’t know any gang members. Well, not since I worked at the Railways decades ago).

I said that Mr Gangster had pulled a shrewdy on the judge, and voluntarily showed the cop written proof of my ID and ownership of the property (the power bill was the closest document to hand). I told them that I had owned and occupied this house for 40 years and had never heard of the fellow throughout that time.

It was all very chatty and polite. The cops could obviously see that their wanted man had pulled a swifty, plus I am a property-owning old Pākehā. They didn’t point their guns at me, nor did they ask to come inside (and I didn’t invite them). They took my word that my sleeping wife was the only other person in the house.

I asked if they were responsible for the loud noise I’d heard, and they said that was them pounding on the front door (plus the bedroom window, apparently). I told them that there also been pounding on the front door and bedroom window after dark on the previous Friday night, which I’d chosen to ignore (assuming it to be somebody at the wrong address).

The cop said it was probably police doing a bail curfew check.

The lead cop wrote a statement in his notebook and asked me to sign it, saying that I’d owned and occupied the place for 40 years, did not know the fellow they were seeking, and had not given him permission to use it as a bail address. Then they left.

Throughout the decades I’ve had plenty of cops on various doorsteps. But never with weapons, let alone weapons drawn. The only times I’ve been confronted by men in uniforms with rifles have been in places like the Philippines and Belfast.

Here’s the punchline. One of the cops said: “As I was coming up the drive, I was thinking, ‘this doesn’t look like a gang house’.” When it comes time to sell here, I must remember to instruct the real estate agent to highlight that as its unique selling point.

A flying start to the week.

The police apology
Ten days after the police bail incident without an expected apology, Murray Horton wrote a letter of complaint. This was the police reply on 11 August 2022:

Dear Mr and Mrs Horton,

I write in response to your correspondence dated 10 August 2022 and our telephone conversation this morning.

The role of checking the veracity of bail addresses primarily sits with Police.  As you can appreciate it is simply not possible to check every bail address for every person released on bail.  Therefore we prioritise bail address checking based on a range of factors including seriousness of offending, proximity to victims/witnesses, and so on.  In the present case the defendant was charged with a relatively minor regulatory offence and therefore the address provided was not checked.  I do not dispute that the defendant in the present case was unknown to you both.  I can reassure you both that a file note now shows that your address is not to be accepted as a bail address for the defendant.

As you point out in your letter, and as we discussed, there were sound reasons why attending staff were armed.  The defendant was arrested last week in possession of a loaded firearm.  I accept that being confronted by armed police whilst reading a newspaper in your dining room was alarming.  I appreciate your acknowledgement that attending staff were professional in handling their firearms, but I also accept their professionalism does necessarily diminish your alarm.  Police remain a routinely unarmed service, but have ready access to firearms and other tactical options if they are required.  Unfortunately this means that innocent members of the public are sometimes exposed to armed police.  It is a fine balance between ensuring the community are safe, and ensuring the community feel safe.

I accept that the robust knocking on doors and windows was also alarming for you both. Clear and concise communication with potential occupants is an appropriate approach.  However, when we are at the wrong address, or the right address for the wrong reason, it will appear to be aggressive and unnecessary.

I agree that a simple explanation and apology at the time would have been appropriate, and I would expect that from my staff.  I apologise for their rudeness, and I apologise for the alarm and inconvenience caused to you both.

If you have any questions or wish to discuss the matter further please contact me directly.

Yours sincerely,

Inspector Glenn Nalder
New Zealand Police

Murray Horton is a political activist, advocate and researcher. He is organiser of the Campaign Against Foreign Control of Aotearoa (Cafca) and he has been an advocate of a range of progressive causes for the past five decades. Horton occasionally contributes articles for Asia Pacific Report.

The Pacific Elders’ Voice has expressed deep concern about reports of deteriorating human rights in West Papua and has appealed to Indonesia to allow the proposed UN high commissioner’s visit there before the Bali G20 meeting in November.

A statement from the PEV says the reports suggest an “increased number of extrajudicial executions, enforced disappearances and the internal displacement of Melanesian Papuans”.

The Pacific Elders said that they recalled the Pacific Island Forum Leaders’ Communique made in Tuvalu in 2019 which welcomed an invitation by Indonesia for a mission to West Papua by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights.

• READ MORE:  How colonial puppeteer Indonesia uses ‘autonomy’ to disempower Papuans
• Other human rights violations in West Papua reports

“The communique strongly encouraged both sides to finalise the timing of the visit and for an evidence-based, informed report on the situation be provided before next Pacific Island Forum Leaders meeting in 2020,” the statement said.

“Despite such undertaking, we understand that the Indonesian government has not allowed UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to visit West Papua.

“We find this unacceptable and believe that such behaviour can only exacerbate the tensions in the region.”

The Pacific Elders said Indonesia must “take responsibility for its actions and abuses and make amends for the harm” caused to the Indigenous people of West Papua.

The statement said the elders urgently called for the Indonesian government to allow the UN High Commission for Human Rights to visit West Papua and to prepare a report for the Human Rights Council.

“We call on all members of the Human Rights Council to pass a resolution condemning the current human rights abuses in West Papua,” the statement said.

“We further call on the Human Rights Council to clearly identify the human rights abuses in Indonesia’s Universal Periodic Review and to identify clear steps to rectify the abuses that are taking place.

“We further note that the next G20 Heads of State and Government Summit will take place [on November 15-16] in Bali. We call on all G20 member countries to ensure that a visit by the UN High Commission for Human Rights is allowed to take place before this meeting and that the HCHR is able to prepare a report on her findings for consideration by the G20.

“We believe that no G20 Head of State and Government should attend the meeting without a clear understanding of the human rights situation in West Papua” .

Pacific Elders’ Voice is an independent alliance of Pacific elders whose purpose is to draw on their collective experience and wisdom to provide thought leadership, perspectives, and guidance that strengthens Pacific resilience.

They include former Marshall Islands president Hilde Heine, former Palau president Tommy Remengesau, former Kiribati president Anote Tong, former Tuvalu prime minister Enele Sopoaga, former Pacific Island Forum Secretariat secretary-general Dame Meg Taylor, former Guam University president Robert Underwood, former Fiji ambassador Kaliopate Tavola, and former University of the South Pacific professor Konai Helu Thaman.

‘State terrorism’ over special autonomy
Meanwhile, United Liberation Movement of West Papua (ULMWP) interim president Benny Wenda has detailed “disturbing reports” of increased militarisation and state terrorism in a recent statement about the region.

“Our people have been taking to the streets to show their rejection of Indonesia’s plan to divide us further by the creation of 7 provinces and to demonstrate against the imposition of ‘special autonomy’,” Wenda said.

“Peaceful protestors in Nabire and Jayapura have been met with increasing brutality, with water cannons and tear gas used against them and fully armed police firing indiscriminately at protesters and civilians alike.

“This is state terrorism. Indonesia is trying to use their full military might to impose their will onto West Papuans, to force acceptance of ‘special autonomy’.

The pattern of increased militarisation and state repression over the past few years had been clear, with an alarming escalation in violence, said Wenda.

Last month two protesters were shot dead in Yahukimo Regency for peacefully demonstrating against the expansion of provinces.

“History is repeating itself and we are witnessing a second Act of No Choice. West Papuans are being forced to relive this trauma on a daily basis,” said Wenda.

“The same methods of oppression were used in 1969, with thousands of troops harassing, intimidating and killing any West Papuans who spoke out for independence.”

Papua New Guinean police have made a startling revelation that firearms for the National Elections security operations in June have yet to be purchased.

Deputy Police Commissioner Anton Billie says the firearms might not be procured and received by the time the election writs are issued on April 28 when nominations and campaigns start in earnest.

“We haven’t purchased anything yet. I’ve been told that they are doing it (police procurement team) but they need time,” Billie said yesterday.

• READ MORE: PNG election polling date change poses a security threat, says economist

He said the normal process for procurement of ammunition and guns could take about six to eight months to organise because important procurement protocols that needed to be followed.

Billie believes, however, police will manage with the currently available stock until the new procurement arrives.

A senior employee of the Police Department, who requested anonymity, said there were strict procurement protocols in place. However, due to the urgency the police procurement team had come up with measures to bypass some of these procedures.

The source said this situation would not have come about had the funds for the purchase of the firearms been released in November or December last year.

Funding needed last year
“We were supposed to get the funding last year but because we got it this year in February, the funding delayed everything,” he said.

“It normally takes a long time to procure.

“To get the procurement for those major expenditures, like uniforms and guns and ammunitions, we don’t have the time to do that procurement.”

The issue is further complicated because the procurement committee has not approved the police procurement orders.

Items yet to be purchased include guns, ammunitions, and uniforms.

The three-week election is due to begin a week early on June 18.

Claudia Tally is a PNG Post-Courier reporter. Republished with permission.

Police Commissioner Andrew Coster announced today that Armed Response Teams will not be part of the New Zealand policing model in the future.

A trial of the teams of police carrying firearms (ARTs) were launched in Counties Manukau, Waikato and Canterbury last year and ended in April.

In recent days, mass protests across New Zealand against police brutality – sparked by the killing of African-American George Floyd in the US on May 25 – have renewed opposition to armed police and the response teams specifically.

READ MORE: Democrats to unveil sweeping police reforms in US in wake of Black Lives Matter protests

Commissioner Coster said the decision to scrap the teams was based on preliminary findings from the trial evaluation – which is yet to be completed – feedback from the public, and consultation with community forum groups.

“It is clear to me that these response teams do not align with the style of policing that New Zealanders expect,” Coster said.

“We have listened carefully to that feedback and I have made the decision these teams will not be a part of our policing model in the future,” he said.

“As part of this, I want to reiterate that I am committed to New Zealand Police remaining a generally unarmed police service.”

Valued community relationships
Commissioner Coster said police valued their relationships with the various communities they served, and this meant working with them to find solutions that worked for both.

“How the public feels is important – we police with the consent of the public, and that is a privilege,” Coster said.

The trial aimed to have specialist police personnel ready to deploy and support frontline staff in critical or high risk incidents.

“We can only keep New Zealanders safe if we can keep our staff safe too,” he said.

“That is why police has invested in the new body armour system, we have strengthened training, and given our officers more tools and tactical options.”

Police were looking into “broad tactical capability” to ensure critical response options remained fit for purpose, he said.

“We will still complete the evaluation into ARTs and that will now inform the wider tactical capability work programme.”

Any further options arising from this would undergo consultation with communities, Coster said.

Opposition to trials
There had been widespread opposition to the trials, including a Waitangi Tribunal claim being filed by justice advocates arguing the Crown breached Te Tiriti o Waitangi by failing to work in partnership with, consult, or even inform Māori about the trial.

Māori Associate Professor of Law Dr Khylee Quince said the new Police Commissioner had clearly “read the room” in deciding to scrap ARTs.

She said Māori and Pasifika communities were already at the receiving end of a disproportionate amount of police force and adding guns to the mix would have only led to a death.

“It’s important we have a police force that not only the public trusts but that commits to the kind of policing we want in New Zealand.

“And we’ve had a clear public message that people do not want routine arming or militarisation of New Zealand police.”

She said if the ARTs had been rolled out as a permanent fixture it would have only been a matter of time before someone was killed.

‘Someone was going to get harmed’
“I don’t buy the fact that the police only drew their firearms five times. At some stage someone was going to harmed.

“I think the fact that the trial was only six months is the only reason there wasn’t a fatality in that time.”

Last week, Labour Māori Caucus said they had met with Police Minister Stuart Nash and made their views opposing the general arming of the police force very clear.

“While the decision to deploy the ART trial was independently made by the then commissioner of police, and not a government initiative, we as a caucus acknowledge the general feeling of lack of consultation about the trial that exists – especially within Māori,” Labour Māori caucus co-chair Willie Jackson said.

A survey on on the ARTs found 85 percent of participants did not support the trial.

Justice reform advocate Laura O’Connell Rapira said 91 percent of people surveyed were less likely to call the police in family violence situations if they knew the police had guns.

‘Better off’ without armed police
Green Party co-leader Marama Davidson said she welcomed the decision and communities were “better off” without ARTs.

“This is something to celebrate. We commend the New Zealand Police for listening to the public outcry during and after the ART trials. They have listened to the community, and made the right call,” Davidson said.

“This decision today reinforces the need for people to make their voices heard. We know that people of colour, in particular black and brown communities, do not feel protected with armed police on patrol.”

However, Davidson said there were still systemic problems police needed to address.

“There is still work to do in terms of ending systemic discrimination and systemic racism within the police, it has been well established that is still continuing and that’s why the further arming of police was heading in the wrong direction,” she said.

She said more holistic solutions were needed instead to keep communities safe, such as mental health and youth support.

The party’s justice spokesperson, Golriz Ghahraman, said the move was a step “against the American-style militarisation” of the police force.

National Party police spokesperson, Brett Hudson also agreed that the commissioner made the right choice, saying that firearms were already available to police when needed for public safety.

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Indonesian police have revealed that police and military officers raided a Papuan student dormitory in the East Java provincial capital of Surabaya in Indonesia at the weekend because the students were allegedly planning to screen the documentary film Bloody Biak (Biak Berdarah).

Tambaksari Sectoral Police Chief Police Commander Prayitno claimed that security personnel went to the Papuan student dormitory in order to prevent an incident such as one that occurred in Malang earlier in the week from happening in Surabaya.

“[According] to information we received, they announced on social media that they would show the film Bloody Biak. So we went to the dormitory to anticipate this,” he said.

However, the planned screening of the film Bloody Biak on Friday was cancelled, and replaced by a screening of World Football Cup matches.

“If the discussion had still gone ahead. Apparently the film Bloody Biak [was to be screened] which tells the story of the massacre of Papuan people. I don’t know if this was true or not”, he said.

A joint operation by hundreds of TNI (Indonesian military), police and Public Order Agency officers (Satpol PP) raided the Papuan student dormitory located on Jl. Kalasan No. 10 Surabaya on Friday.

The dormitory is home to hundreds of students and Papuan alumni from various tertiary education institutions in Surabaya.

Security personnel sealed off the Papuan student dormitory because of suspicions that there would be “hidden activities”.

Inside the dormitory, they were to hold a discussion and wanted to screen the film Bloody Biak that evening.

Background
On July 6, 1998, scores of people in Biak Island’s main town were wounded, arrested or killed while staging a peaceful demonstration calling for independence from Indonesia.

Earlier last week on July 1, police violently closed down a discussion by West Papuan students at Brawijaya University in the East Java city of Malang marking the 47th anniversary of the proclamation of independence in 1971 by the Free West Papua Movement.

Police claimed that they closed own the discussion following complaints from local people.

Translated from the Suara.com story by James Balowski for the Indoleft News Service. The original title of the article was “Film Biak Berdarah, Alasan Polisi Kepung Asrama Papua di Surabaya”.

Three suspected members of an armed criminal gang in Papua New Guinea’s second city of Lae are dead following a botched armed robbery,  the PNG Post-Courier reports.

One of the gang members is lucky to be alive and is being treated at the Angau Memorial Hospital following a shoot-out with police at Downtown Lae yesterday morning.

Franco Nebas and Bradley Mariori report that the wounded included a police officer who suffered pellet wounds and the Chinese owner of the shop during the attempted hold-up at the city’s shopping centre.

Lae police metropolitan commander Chief Superintendent Anthony Wagambie Jr said the police chased the criminals from downtown, through Airways Avenue, on to China Town, and Bumbu Bridge, ending up at Busurum compound.

Wagambie said that in the running gun battle, police killed three armed men and wounded one on the left leg.

Loop PNG website’s Imelda Wavik reports that the suspects opened fire on police while travelling at high speed.

“A bullet penetrated the windscreen of a pursuing police vehicle and wednt out the back window, while another bullet hit the roof of the vehicle,” she reported.

“A [policeman] on board sustained pellet wounds to his left arm.

“Police could not immediately open fire for fear of injuring bystanders.”

Five armed men
Chief Superintendent Wagambie said the robbery took place about 9.30am when five armed men held up one of the owners of an Asian-owned shop at Downtown Lae, the Post-Courier said.

A police traffic unit on patrol near the scene was alerted when a shot was fired by the criminals at the security guards while the robbery was in progress.

The traffic unit alerted other units to block off escape routes but the criminals managed to drive through the road blocks, firing at the police while travelling at high speed, the Post-Courier said.

Wagambie said that a police vehicle in pursuit was shot at, the bullet penetrated the windscreen and wounded a police officer.

“Police could not return fire immediately because of the large number of people walking on the road as they have been instructed not to endanger the lives of public in such instances,” he said.

Meanwhile the escaping suspects abandoned the vehicle at Busurum Compound and escaped on foot while still firing at the police.

Wagambie said a lone special response unit member who sighted the suspects at the back of Malahang Technical College was fired upon and was forced to engage in a shoot-out with the four suspects.

He said from the shoot-out they were pushed further into the area between Sipaia and Hanta Compound.

Factory and home-made guns
Wagambie said they managed to retrieve two factory-made guns and a home-made gun and live ammunition in the vehicle used in the robbery.

“We believe there was also a high-powered rifle used, judging from the distance and impact the police vehicle received when fired upon by the suspects.

“I am warning criminal gangs in Lae, not to try such daring robberies. The response time for police now is fast. The criminals were quite daring to shoot at police, not only in one instance, but on more than seven encounters with police on vehicle pursuits and on foot.

“I could have lost a couple of good policemen … but thank God for his protection.

“A lot of members and the public could have been injured in the reckless shooting carried out by the escaping gang. Our police investigators are still working on the case.

“I lastly thank all of the police personnel in Lae who all did their part by backing up each other,” Wagambie said.

The Post-Courier reports that in a related incident, quick intervention by police stopped another attempted robbery near Kumalu wet crossing.

Gunshots were exchanged between police and the criminals, Bulolo police station commander Leo Kaikas said that the suspects were eventually caught arrested and locked up at Mumeng police station.

Franco Nebas and Bradley Mariori are PNG Post-Courier reporters and Imelda Wavik reports for Loop PNG.

• Martha Louis: We need to to do our bit in helping PNG crime fighting
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A cabinet submission by the Police Minister to dismiss Police Commissioner Steve Caldwell has revealed concerns over an importation of prohibited weapons and large amounts of ammunition by Armed Forces and police after the King dissolved Parliament last year.

Two shipments of reloading machines, guns and ammunition – which arrived in Tonga before the November snap election – were seized by the Ministry of Customs and Police after an order by Police Minister Māteni Tapueluelu.

Tapueluelu said the reloading machines were prohibited in Tonga

These machines were made to assemble ammunition by re-using cases or shells that had previously been fired.

Only the Minister of Police had the power to authorise any importation of weapons to the country, he said.

Tapueluelu said he was concerned after he found out the request by the Armed Forces to allow them to import the firearms bypassed his office and was addressed to the Police Commissioner who, he said, had no power to approve it.

Tapueluelu said he was also concerned about the timing of the order of the weapons and the shipment’s arrival in Tonga after Parliament was dissolved.

Weapons order ‘too large’
He described the amount as “too large” compared to the population of Tonga and the Armed Forces.

He said he was worried that the police ordered ammunition while existing stocks met current requirements.

It is understood the claims byTapueluelu had concerned Prime Minister ‘Akilisi Pōhiva while his government was in caretaker mode after the dissolution.

Lord Ma’afu was the Minister of His Majesty’s Armed Forces at the time the weapons were ordered and the shipments arrived in Tonga.

It is also understood this was one of the reasons why Pōhiva planned to remove Lord Ma’afu from the portfolio after his party won last year’s snap election.

But after a meeting with the King, Pōhiva re-appointed Lord Ma’afu as Minister of His Majesty’s Armed Forces.

It was not clear whether the Prime Minister informed the King about the importation of the weapons.

Lord Ma’afu resigned last week after the Minister of Police submitted his proposal to the Cabinet. Pohiva accepted his resignation.

The reason for Lord Ma’afu stepping down has not been made public.

Lord Ma’afu could not be reached for comment.

Deputy Commissioner Fa’aoa left Tonga
Documents seen by Kaniva News appear to show that Deputy Commissioner of Police ‘Unga Fa’aoa signed and approved a letter by Commander Sione Lino of His Majesty’s Armed Forces on October 2, 2017.

The letter sought the Police Commissioner’s approval to import firearms and ammunition including 100,000 rounds of 14085 ammunition, 300,000 rounds of 5.56 mm FIAI ball cartridges, 150,000 small pistol primers, three reloading machines and 38, 000 ADI 5.56.

Tapueluelu claimed Deputy Commissioner Fa’aoa had no power to approve the Armed Forces request.

The weapons were ordered from New Zealand from Ordnance Development Ltd, Castlecliff, Whanganui.

It is understood Fa’aoa left Tonga for the United States last year.

Move to dismiss Police Commissioner
The submission to dismiss Caldwell was submitted to cabinet on February 26, one day before Tapueluelu tendered his resignation, which Prime Minister ‘Akilisi Pōhiva did not accept.

The Prime Minister said Tapueluelu wanted to resign because, he was frustrated and believed there was a lack of support for his submission from his cabinet colleagues.

Tapueluelu’s submission read: “Honourable Members of Cabinet are invited to consider and approve the recommendation to the Judicial Appointments and Discipline Panel and to Privy Council the dismissal of Police Commissioner Stephen John Caldwell, under Section 13 (b) and (c), of the Tonga Police Act 2010.”

It said the purpose of this submission was to seek approval of the cabinet ministers to recommend to the Judicial Appointments and Discipline Panel, to dismiss the Commissioner of Police.

Tapueluelu’s submission claimed Commissioner Caldwell had said the signing by Fa’aoa was likely the result of “human error”.

Tapueluelu said Fa’aoa was also a lawyer and he should have known better.

Tapueluelu said that on November 21, 2017, he advised Caldwell in writing of what he considered to be a serious breach of discipline by the Deputy Commissioner.

He said he told Caldwell Fa’aoa had approved the order without consulting or seeking the Minister’s approval for the importation of ammunition and reloading machines on October 4, 2017.

“Deputy Fa’aoa’s ignorance of the Laws of Tonga, is a serious breach of Discipline, as it is ruled that applications for importation of ammunitions, should and can only be approved by the Minister of Police…”, the minister’s submission to cabinet said..

Police order without permission
Tapueluelu said police also ordered ammunition from New Zealand around the same time without a permit.

“Usually I countersign orders from overseas, but not in this case,” said Tapueluelu.

“It was during the Christmas season that the Deputy Commissioner of Police Ashley Fua asked that I approve the importation of ammunition worth of $20,000 already ordered and in the warehouse in New Zealand.

“I asked for the current stock of ammunition in Tonga and was informed there were 10,800 rounds of ammunition in stock. I sought advice from the Head Operation of Tactical Response Unit, Sikulu Fakateli and was informed that stock was enough.

“Consequently my office saw no need to approve this order. They ordered prior to asking for approval hoping they can force my office to an approval without proper consideration of the circumstances.”

Tapueluelu alleged no disciplinary action had been taken against the Deputy Commissioner.

Asia Pacific Report has a republication arrangement with Kaniva News.

• More Tongan news

Sixteen-year-old Ahed Tamimi was back in court last Thursday, with the judge ruling for the third time that her detention be extended – this time for another five days.

Over the past week and a half, Ahed has been shuffled between numerous Israeli prisons and police stations. She has been held in cold isolation cells with cameras pointed at her 24 hours a day.

READ MORE: Palestinian teen first to be killed by Israel in 2018

Repeatedly, without a parent or lawyer present, they have attempted to interrogate her. The reasoning for the judge’s rulings to extend her detention is that she “poses a risk” to the military and the Israeli government’s case against her.

Israel is right that Ahed Tamimi poses a risk. But it isn’t a risk to one of the most heavily armed and advanced militaries in the world or to the legal case being built against her.

The risk she poses is in her refusal to submit to the Israeli demand that Palestinians acquiesce to their own occupation.

Israeli logic is that Palestinians should cooperate with their own oppression. They should move quietly through the checkpoints, open their bags, not look their occupiers in the eye and not challenge or protest the theft of their lands, resources and freedoms.

Israeli logic is that if they don’t like it, they can leave. Actually, they would strongly prefer that Palestinians leave. The strategy is to make life so unbearable for Palestinians, that they leave willingly. This even has a name: “voluntary transfer.”

Regular resistance
Since Ahed was a young child, she and her family have engaged in active resistance to Israel’s occupation. From 2013 up until the present, they have staged regular demonstrations against the military and the nearby settlers who have taken over their lands and water spring.

The protests are met with tear gas, rubber bullets, skunk water and live ammunition.

In 2012, Ahed’s father was declared a prisoner of conscience by Amnesty International. In 2013, her uncle was killed by a tear gas canister shot to the head. In 2014, her mother was almost permanently disabled when she was shot in the leg with a .22 caliber bullet.

In 2015, a video of Ahed preventing her younger brother from being arrested went viral. Her cousins and her older brother have spent time in Israeli prisons.

On Friday, December 15, during a protest of President Trump’s announcement of Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, Ahed’s 14-year-old cousin Mohammed Tamimi was shot in the face with a rubber bullet. He was taken to the hospital where he required surgery and a was placed in a medically induced coma.

A few hours later, when armed soldiers came to Ahed’s home demanding to enter, she pushed back. She slapped and kicked them, and screamed that they could not come in.

Shenila Khoja-Moolji wrote in Aljazeera about the stark contrast between the support Malala Yousafzai received after being shot in the head by the Taliban and the silence on Ahed’s case by feminist and political leaders.

Big difference
Granted, there is a big difference between being shot on the way to school and arrested after slapping a soldier.

Malala was invited to meet with President Barack Obama. She was championed by Senator Hillary Clinton and listed as one of the 100 most influential people in Time magazine.

In 2013 and 2014, Malala was nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize and in 2014, she won. In contrast, while Ahed’s story has received some coverage in the news, she has yet to find state actors or prominent influencers to champion her cause.

While the West seems mostly indifferent to Ahed’s plight, Israel is hell-bent on hating the girl.

Israeli Education Minister Neftali Bennett called for Ahed and her family to “spend the rest of their lives in prison.”

Minister of Defence Avigdor Liberman said she and her family should “get what they deserve,” and prominent Israeli journalist Ben Caspit said that Israel should “exact a price at some other opportunity, in the dark, without witnesses and cameras”.

Caspit afterwards tried to backpedal his threat, saying his words had been taken out of context. But as the #MeToo movement has made clear, denying one’s intentions does not undo or excuse them.

Marginalised voices
As the #MeToo movement continues to build and uplift more marginalised voices, Ahed’s voice is not recognised when she could be regarded as a pillar in the movement.

Ahed is revoking her consent for Israel’s brutal occupation. She refuses to give her consent to Israeli forces that invade her family’s home in yet another vicious, meritless night raid. She confronts her aggressors and stands up to the violent system of power that keeps perpetuating this cycle of abuse against Palestinians.

In the same way survivors of sexual assault and rape are silenced, doubted and blamed for the crimes committed against them, Ahed is facing the same backlash from her aggressors.

Israel is working overtime to discredit her and erase her voice, with the hope that people will believe their fabrications over her truth. Now is the time for voices in the #MeToo to call for her release and help draw the parallels.

Shenila Khoja-Moolji explains the reasons for such lack of support for Ahed as being due to acceptance of state violence, Western society’s selective humanitarianism and the political, rather than individual nature of Ahed’s feminism.

These are all valid and important explanations. But support for Ahed is also a condemnation of the state of Israel. It is a condemnation of Israel’s military court system which allows children to be held in isolation and denied access to their parents during interrogation.

It is a condemnation of Israel’s settlement enterprise and continued presence on Palestinian land. To support Ahed is to rebuke Israel’s assertion that Palestinians must comply with their occupiers, that they must open the doors for the soldiers who enter their homes.

Internal power
Certainly their 16-year-old girls must not raise an arm to soldiers. It is one thing to support Malala for taking on the Taliban, but quite another to support Ahed as she takes on Israel’s strongest allies and the purported only democracy in the Middle East.

Not all feminist leaders are afraid to express support for Ahed. CodePink is hosting a petition to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, demanding Ahed’s release. We, along with others, like Jewish Voice for Peace, are asking Members of Congress to sign onto Representative Betty McCollum’s legislation to require that US aid to Israel not go to the abuse and detention of Palestinian children.

Ahed is a threat to Israel’s entire system of power. She is not only aware of her own internal power, she is completely unafraid of her aggressors.

This is the same bravery required for sexual assault survivors to tell their stories and hold their accusers responsible. It is the essence of the struggle for women’s rights and why feminism is so incompatible with militarism.

For Ahed to be successful in her fight for the liberation of her people, we first need her to be released from jail. To make this happen, we need all people who call themselves feminists and human rights advocates to say #FreeAhed.

• One Palestinian family’s devastating tale of Israeli military cruelty
• Singapore bans film featuring Palestinian teen – Pacific Media Watch
• More Palestine reports

At a ceremony in Honiara last week the police force launched its limited rearmament programme which will see 125 officers from the Police Response Team (PRT) and Close Personal Protection (CPP) squad bear arms when on duty.

Speaking at the launch on May 8, Commissioner of Police Matthew Varley said it marked an important day in the history of the Royal Solomon Islands Police Force (RSIPF) and the Solomon Islands.

“For almost 14 years the RSIPF has been without arms, but today as Commissioner of the RSIPF I am proud to announce that the RSIPF is ready for the responsibility of rearmament.”

Rearmament remains a sensitive subject in the Solomon Islands, reports the Solomon Islands Broadcasting Corporation.

During the five-year period of ethnic violence, known locally as “The Tensions’” some officers became part of the conflict with the police armoury in Honiara being raided and the guns used to threaten the population.

The conflict, between 1998 and 2003, was centred between militants from Guadalcanal Island and settlers from Malaita and saw the Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands (RAMSI) move in and take control.

RAMSI force set to leave
The RAMSI force is set to leave next month. This has made some people in the community nervous, but the ceremony was all about one word: trust.

Delivering the keynote address, Prime Minister Manasseh Sogavare said the Solomon Islands government also had a duty of care not to force RSIPF to compromise its position of trust.

“The Solomon Islands Government also has a duty of care not to place the force in a situation where it is forced to compromise its position of trust,” he said.

“Now that we have regained that confidence, we have a duty to ensure that we maintain the people’s confidence in the force and by extension, the government.

“That responsibility lies squarely on the shoulders of each and every police officer will be entrusted with the use of firearms in the discharge of their official duty.”

• Solomon Islands decision to rearm police sparks heated debate

As hundreds of police and soldiers begin their work in Papua New Guinea’s Hela Province this week, there have been comparisons made with the civil war in Bougainville in the 1990s.

The defence forces are in Hela as part of a government security call-out with concerns warring clans are using high-powered guns, while landowners are also disgruntled as they have not received royalty payments from the PNG LNG project.

While there was no once single cause for the Bougainville war, the Panguna mine played a central role; with the mine’s operations and sharing of its revenue a major sticking point between Bougainville and the PNG government.

Jerry Singirok was commander of the PNG Defence Force during the Bougainville crisis, which lasted for a decade and resulted in the deaths of tens of thousands of people.

He said it was not fair to compare Hela with what happened in Bougainville and said the situation in Hela should be easy for security forces to contain.

PNG Mine Watch reports that in December 2012, the anti-poverty advocacy group Jubilee Australia published a report warning that the Hela development would lead to increased violence in Papua New Guinea, PIPE DREAMS: The PNG LNG Project and the Future Hopes of a Nation.

The report examined in detail the potential costs and benefits of the Exxon-Mobil LNG project and concluded “it is very likely the project will exacerbate poverty, increase corruption and lead to more violence in the country.”

In one part of the report, the authors, Luke Fletcher and Adele Webb, canvased the serious possibility the LNG project would likely fuel clan violence or, even more seriously, conflict between local people in the Hela Province and security forces representing the Government in defending the project.

“With these scenario’s now being played out on the ground and army and police units being deployed to Hela Province it is poignant to revisit the report and two pages in particular,” PNG Mine Watch reports.

The Solomon Islands police force is facing one of its biggest tests of legitimacy since the withdrawal of the Australian-led Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands (RAMSI) peace-keeping force.

As part of RAMSI’s mission to reduce ethnic violence in the Solomon Islands, guns were confiscated and destroyed across the country.

However, with new reported incidents of gun violence, the Solomon Islands government has taken a decision to rearm the police force.

This has caused mixed reactions from the public, and has generated debate whether this was the right decision.

In June, Prime Minister Manaseh Soqavare opened the new RSIPF National Response Department Building at Rove Police Headquarters containing the armoury. This was the first step in the limited rearmament process of the Royal Solomon Islands Police Force.

The facility will house pistols, shotguns, rifles and ammunitions to be used by three police operational units – the RSIP Police Response Team, Close Personal Protection Team and Internal Airport Police.

Many welcomed the government’s decision, saying that it was the right time to rearm the police force; however, some were still wary of the armoury’s opening – people who were mainly victims of the ethnic tensions.

Police criticised
In February, Nathan Ratu Nukufetau, a community elder from Vanikoro Island, Temotu province, criticised the police about the use of guns to make arrests on the island.

This was in relation to a land dispute incident over logging operations on Vanikoro Island in which several homes were destroyed.

He said that the police actions on the use of guns for the arrest were unprofessional and uncalled for.

“Police are professionals in their job and had been trained when to use excessive force and when not to use it,” he said.

“The incident of the use of guns certainly lost the trust and confidence of the community over the police.”

In his keynote address during the opening of the armoury, the prime minister assured the citizens of the country that there was no need to fear the police.

“I want to make it clear that the personnel who will be bearing arms have gone through a series of specialised and rigorous training, which requires them to use the arms only when the situation becomes critically necessary.

“These officers have trained and are disciplined to use these firearms for protection and for the sake of maintaining law and order in very critical situations, and only as a last resort,” he said.

Accountability rules
He also reiterated that RAMSI had also been heavily engaged with the RSIPF in finalising sets of accountability and governance rules and systems to ensure the arms are used responsibly.

“Let me assure the people of Solomon Islands, that these weapons are police weapons that are used by police forces worldwide.

“That the cabinet will only make a decision on the carriage and use when it is absolutely satisfied with necessary training, storage infrastructure, control systems and governance arrangements are in place.”

Dr Gordon Nanau, a senior Solomon Islands academic at USP, believes that there are two sides two this issue – people are critical about this move, and that the police should be modernised.

He said the debate on police rearmament was due to the past experience that Solomon Islanders had during the ethnic tensions.

“As we all know, during that time guns that were owned by the government were given and taken into the wrong hands,” he said.

People wary
“I think some people are quite wary about the how during the past, the government was not able to fully control the arms, and how it ended up in the hands of the two warring militant parties, because the purpose of arms is to protect the citizens, but in this case arms were used against the people.”

But he also said the police force in the Solomon Islands were also becoming more helpless due to the recent reports of criminals using firearms, which also endangered their lives when carrying out operations and arrests.

He said the proper checks and regulations must be strictly monitored. This would help develop trust in the police force by the public, and this was because a lot of people in the country were still questioning the professionalism of police officers.

Lowen Sei is a reporter with Wansolwara News at the University of the South Pacific, Fiji.